"That damned Glendower..."

Oh Canada

2012-01-18T16:32:00.000-05:00

Hey, you - the Canadian over there... yeah, you. Hi! Send me an email: schiggity_schwa2@yahoo.com

Something Old, Something New

2011-05-27T07:17:00.000-04:00

As the school year winds down, I've been thinking a lot about what projects I'll have lined up for the summer. I've recently submitted a proposal to the International Journal of Critical Pedagogy for special edition of that journal. The working title for the article is "Covert Critique: Privileging Students' Voices in Critiquing Middle School Curriculum." Simply put, the technology curriculum standards that I've been told to use are heavily infused with neo-liberal rhetoric and interests, and I've been trying to empoy a critical pedagogy in my classroom that centers on students knowledge consumption/production in disrupting this neo-liberal discourse. The purpose is to help students develop the skills necessary to conduct a meaningful, critical reading of their world so that, as Freire suggests, they can understand the political, cultural, and economic contradictions in their lives (see Pedagogy of the Oppressed and The Politics of Education).

Another project I'm working on currently is a conference proposal for the Bergamo conference this year. The due date for proposals in June 1, so I better hurry. I have a couple of options in terms of what I can submit, and maybe I'll submit more than one. I'd like to get the other members of my department involved, and we've talked about some ideas, but none of them have presented at a conference before and they seem a little hesitant to give it a try. I hope I can convince them otherwise within the next day or so.

Finally, I've been talking with my friend Dennis Carlson in revisiting a piece I wrote while in his "power" seminar at Miami University. He had suggested at the time that I continue polishing the paper and get it ready for publication. I definitely wanted to do that, but I had a million things going on with working full-time and doing graduate work. Now that I've graduated and school is winding down, he and I have decided to work on this piece together and get it ready for publication. I'm really excited because it is a fascinating topic and has generated a lot of interest at the conferences where I have presented the idea. I'll hold off for now on exactly what this is, but I've written about it before on this blog. We will be using a postcolonial approach to the topic, and that's something that I'm excited to get started.

Of course, I'm still thinking on how to move forward in putting my dissertation in book form, as well as how to move forward with the data I collected in 2008 while in Carmarthen. I might have to meet with some friends to get my head around how to best finish that project.

I had what I had thought at the time was a minor setback, but now that I think it over, I'm glad it happened. I had submitted a chapter for a book with a professor at Ohio University. The project was slow to start, then took off rapidly only to die out again. I researched the publishing company that would be producing the book and wasn't comfortable with their approach, or their reputation. This, and a few other factors, prompted me to withdraw my chapter. I feel good about the decision. I'm more interested in having my work represented in a quality publication than in having a quick-publish situation with a vanity press. So... I'm shopping it around. We'll see how that goes.

Statement of Teaching Philosophy

2011-05-04T10:20:00.001-04:00

So, I've been kicking around what to write for a statement of teaching philosophy. My my first draft is below. Any comments? Suggestions? Questions?

I have always wanted to teach, although my entrance into the field of education would come relatively late in life. After over a decade of working in various positions related to sales and marketing, I could no longer resist the urge, the call, to teach. My wife and children were very supportive of the idea, but the other members of my family struggled with my decision. One family member said, “Kevin, why would you do that? Don’t you know the saying ‘those who can do, and those who can’t teach’?” I’ve thought about this statement frequently during my career as a teacher, and in fact, it often provides me with new sources of motivation and inspiration.

As a teacher, I can “do” many things, but more important, I can enable and assist others to “do” as well. I engage in teaching as an interactive process of inspiration, empowerment, and creativity. It is difficult for me to consider myself as a teacher, when much of what I try to accomplish involves students understanding their capacity to both consume and produce knowledge. As a result, like Freire (2006), I understand the teaching/learning experience to be a process of purposeful, meaningful interactions between teachers/students and students/teachers. In each of my classroom experiences, from middle school to higher education, I strive to present opportunities for students to challenge what they currently know or assume to be true, and to seek to understand how certain boundaries, representations, and other aspects of social life are either personally or socially constructed. This is a key component to my philosophy of teaching in that it helps students to develop a critical consciousness, or what Freire (1985) describes as conscientization, or the recognition of the social, political, and cultural contradictions in our lives. I do this through incorporating the perspectives and background experiences of my students through engaging in discussions that promote a self/other dialectic (Freire, 2006). These discussions help to promote an understanding of social and political forces that shape various knowledges and their uses. In understanding the forces that shape our social experiences, students may then gain the ability to see such aspects of social life as mutable and subject to transformation.

This type of learning, of developing a critical consciousness, is most likely to occur when students realize their own ability to employ reason and critique in thoughtful consideration of matters that are relevant to their lives. Understanding the multiplicity of learning styles and student experiences is an important component of this experience, but more important is the recognition of diversity as a necessary component of the educational process. Diversity is a crucial element in the development of critical consciousness in that it causes us to confront issues of difference — not in obstructive, oppositional terms, but it meaningful, thought-provoking ways that support a dialectic consideration of self and other. From this practice comes a better understanding of how one’s orientation to concepts of gender, race, sexuality, and class contribute to — or detract from — a fully inclusive social environment. While my teaching objectives vary depending upon the course being taught, my philosophy continues to inform my practice. In designing curricula, I strive to optimize student engagement through incorporating a variety of media including audio, video, and even social media. For example, in teaching EDL 204: Sociological Foundations of Education at Miami University, I would frequently ask students to locate video clips from the World Wide Web that related to the topic we were currently discussing. These clips would serve as primers for discussion on these topics, and provided many students with a meaningful example of social critique. Students are also encouraged to produce their own media, such as audio and video podcasts, through various projects that highlight students’ voices and perspectives. These opportunities allowed students to become immersed in the topics they studied, and provided them with rich, meaningful theoretical events that complemented their written responses to articles and other reading assignments.

In any educational environment, I encourage personal responsibility on the part of everyone involved by engaging students in conversations about what they can, and will, contribute to class. I begin this conversation by telling them my orientation to learning and teaching, as well as how I will strive to contribute to an environment of respect that leads to stimulating discussions of education and its role in society. In addition to giving students access to express themselves in class, I also strive to support them through open office hours and lunchtime reading/discussion groups. In the course evaluations I have received, many of the students found these “informal” sessions to be quite liberating in that it provided them with a different venue for expression, exploration, and discussion. Course evaluations are an important part of my attempts to reflect upon, and improve, my teaching practices. In addition to course evaluations, my research and writing activities are important components of my growth and development as a student/teacher/scholar.

Life as a teacher has never been quite what I thought it would be. My naïve assumptions as a child of teaching were quickly dissolved by the realization of the political nature of teaching, the power of teaching as a device in ideological reproduction, and the constant demand for humility and respect for the learning process and all those involved. However, what has remained from my desire to become a teacher is the recognition of the joy of learning, of the satisfaction in the enabling of others (and me) in developing a broader, more complex and critical reading of the world. Central to all of this is the concept of hope, and this remains as my primary reason for teaching. My experience in the classroom, my philosophy of teaching, my interaction with my students/teachers, is my expression of hope for the future. It is the answer to “why I do what I do.”

References

Freire, P. (1985). The Politics of Education: Culture, Power, and Liberation (D. Macedo, Trans.). South Hadley, MA: Bergin & Garvey

Freire, P. (2006). Pedagogy of the Oppressed: The Thirtieth Anniversary Edition. New York, NY: The Continuum International Publishing Group Inc

Yes, that is exactly the point.

2011-05-04T07:36:00.001-04:00

This is just a quick, "writing on the fly" post, but I think it's important and want to address it as best as I can before classes start and while it is still fresh in my mind.

It's testing week at my school district. This week, thousands of students will come to school and sit for 2-2.5 hours and take the OAA [the Ohio Achievement Assessments]. There is a lot of confusion about what these tests are for amongst the students. They ask me questions like, "if I fail these tests, do I have to repeat 7th grade?" It's 'interesting' to me that people believe that these kinds of tests are somehow meaningful, that they somehow reflect an authentic type of assessment for the whole of student learning. I guess interesting isn't the right word - perhaps, frustrating, terrifying, puzzling... pick one.

Even more unsettling is the purpose behind these types of exams. I do believe that there are people in powerful positions, making decisions about public education, how students are taught and assessed, etc... who believe that these types of standardized super-tests are the way to accurately measure student achievement. I also believe that these people are delusional, lol. However, although there may be a few naive policy-makers out there, I know that there are other political strategists - policy makers, legislators, etc... who use educational policy as a pathway to the acquisition of wealth, power, and the further development of a market.

Today, as the students poured out the buses and into the halls, a teacher came into my office to reheat his coffee. He lives in a town that has failed its levy 8 times in a row, with the final defeat at the special elections last night at the cost of 143 votes. This school, which is in academic emergency and has been taken over by the state, must now borrow $5 million from the state; a debt that must be repayed with money from the taxpayers who voted down the levy. As the microwave hummed in the background, this teacher turned to me and said,

You know, if you've been paying attention, I think there's a reason why we have all of these crazy tests, and 'no child left behinds' or 'race to the top' types of legislation. I think there's a reason for why school funding is broken in Ohio and so many school districts are failing. They want us to fail.

I was saddened and excited as I heard these words. Saddened because this teacher who had been teaching for over a decade had finally realized what was happening to his art. It was being consumed and redesigned for consumption. The privatization of public education; schooling for profit. However, at the same time I was excited that he had finally come to the conclusion that many teachers, educators, theorists, and scholars have been saying for the past 30 years. PUBLIC EDUCATION IN THE US IS UNDER ATTACK by neoliberal interests. This alone isn't very exciting, but the potential of what happens next, of what happens now that teachers (and hopefully parents) across the country are making that connection is exciting. Hopefully it causes deeper consideration of what is at stake, consideration and thoughtful reflection that leads to action.

It's not enough to simply observe that schools are in trouble, but that we must realize there are more factors at play, more things to consider than just irresponsible finances and bad teachers (we have to acknowledge that these things exist, just as we should acknowledge the excellent administrators and teachers that bring hope to students and communities in school districts across the country). Instead, there are powerful, corporate interests that have focused their attention on turning school districts into market sectors, students into clients, and parents into customers.

Yes, they want schools to fail. That is exactly the point.

Getting into a Rhythm

2011-04-27T22:20:00.000-04:00

I think about my blog a lot, and every couple of months or so, I even write a post. It's the same post - or at least - the same sort of post, and it goes a little something like this:

Well, it's been a long time since I've posted anything, and I really need to get on the ball. So, here we go... back to blogging.

Then, with my conscious superficially satisfied, I procrastinate writing for another few months. This is another one of those posts, but hopefully it will stick. I've always been interested in writing, in talking with people, and in learning something new - and I hoped that this blog would be a good opportunity for that, and I think it is. What I need is to develop a rhythm, a purpose, a reason to blog.

So, I'm revamping the blog a bit. I'm going to do a little research on how to successfully manage a blog, and if you have any ideas/recommendations/etc... please feel free to drop me a line.

Cheers!

Return of the Blog

2010-12-03T11:19:00.001-05:00

So it has been a really long time since I've updated this thing called a blog. I've been very busy, and I've been doing some research on other blogs trying to figure out how to make this more interesting, helpful, etc. The biggest part of all of that is deciding if I really want to blog, and if so, what is the purpose. I'm sorting through that still. Another thing to consider is my general lack consistency in terms of writing and updating content for the blog. I'm hoping to set a schedule and see if I can follow it. So, here's hoping for the return of the blog.

In the meantime. I ran into Derek a while ago and got to thinkin' about this vid. Good times in Wales!

Onto-epistemology

2010-09-24T12:35:00.000-04:00

My first suggestion is to get a basic understanding of both ontology & epistemology as they relate to social research. Most 'introduction to doctoral studies' classes discuss these topics. If you're in the EDL at Miami, then I think the course is EDL760. That's a good place to start. From there, I would check out "Philosophy of Social Science." If you're in the EDL, you may read this in EDL775. This breaks down different ontological perspectives, but it can be a little stiff at times. Another helpful book is Creswell's Qualitative Inquiry and research Design, which is, in my opinion, more accessible but less robust.

Another thing I would do, once you feel like you have a solid understanding of the concepts, is to read studies that are you interested in and try to determine what the onto-epistemological orientations are in those studies. Many times, the authors state it directly. In other instances, you have have to discern the orientation from keywords and the language of the discourse used in presenting the study/critique/etc...

For me, I started out thinking I wanted to do a type of phenomenological study. However, I began to realize that my orientation to the concept of identity, from an ontological perspective, wasn't really conducive to that study. I was focusing on language, on discourse - conducting a critical discourse analysis of students' discussions of Welshness. As the subject of my study moved from students' representations of Welshness to an analysis of a curricular document, my ontological orientation became clearer. In social research, the word "critical" often refers to "Critical Theory" and the work of the members of "The Frankfurt School." Habermas generally defined this work as concerned with human emancipation. Discourse Analysis is simply the study of language and practices used to represent things in the world. So, a critical discourse analysis is a type of research method that studies discourse in order to determine how ideology in language and practices work in representing elements of life as commonsensical and natural. Those working with CDA believe that the ideological nature of discourse assists in the manufacturing consent. Thus, discourse can be used to mystify reality. This position is well-suited for a "critical realists" perspective, which is an ontological position that suggests there is a "reality," but that that reality is somehow occluded or veiled by power relations existing with individuals and institutions in society.

So, although I don't believe people always inhabit the same ontological perspective, or that each perspective is a delineated theoretical space, it is important to come to terms with how each particular ontological discourse aligns with whatever you're studying or reading at the time. As you do this, you may discover which ontological paradigm you feel most comfortable with and assists you in investigating your particular interests in research.

A response to an anonymous contact

2010-09-14T18:58:00.000-04:00

Advice, hmmm... here's what I can offer:

The term "your best interests" means just that. They're your best interests. Although I could say what I think my best interests were/are, they may not hold true for you.

Take an inventory of what you have/need as a grad student:

What are your strengths and weaknesses?
What is your area of interest for research?
What is the theoretical perspective you will utilize in your research?
What is your work/study style?
Who are you reading, who have you read, who will you read? Put it down in three categories like that.
Write out a page or two about your ontological & epistemological perspective. This is for you. Get an understanding of where you are in terms of how you view/understand your reality and the nature of knowledge.

OK, enough about you, now... your adviser:

What do you think are your advisor's strengths & weaknesses? Are they compatible with yours?
When you talk to your advisor about your studies, is the conversation focused on you and your studies? Or is the conversation about the advisor, the advisor's work, the department, etc...
What is the teaching/work style of your advisor? Is it compatible with yours?
How responsive is your advisor? Ask your advisor, upfront, what the expectations for communication are... meaning, how often will you meet? What will be the turn-around time for email communication between you and your advisor? etc...
Ask your advisor, in as delicate terms as possible, who they can and can't work with for a committee.

This is a short, incomplete list, but it should get you started to think about the types of questions you should be asking yourself, and your adviser. Write them down.

What makes a good adviser?

In my opinion, a good advisor is someone "who get's you" and this is something that you just have to feel. Your advisor doesn't need to share your theoretical perspective per se, but the advisor should have a solid understanding of your theoretical position. You advisor should also be willing to disagree with you. This is, in my opinion, crucial. Advising doesn't always mean they agree. I had an experience where the person I was working with agreed to every idea I had. This wasn't helpful because I needed direction, not confirmation... or at least not just confirmation. I needed someone to advise on how to shape my study, etc...

You also need an advisor who is forward-thinking. Someone who doesn't operate day-by-day, but someone who knows that in 2-weeks, they're going to a conference, in 6 months, they're on vacation, in a year they're going on sabbatical, etc... Also, help your advisor to understand your short and long term goals, and let them assist you in determining if these are feasible/possible/whatever.

My mistake was, early on in my program, I changed advisors because (a) my advisor just had a child and was preparing for tenure, and (b) I thought that I wanted to work in a particular theoretical framework with a particular method of research, and there was another person in the department who was "specialized" in those areas. The issue was that my original advisor "got me" and my second advisor didn't. My first advisor was more responsive, flexible, and willing to step in where I needed help. My second advisor was not as flexible, responsive, and in retrospect, didn't seem to even be listening to what I was saying. This advisor agreed with everything and never really said "Ok.. hold on. Let's take stock of where we're at..."

Now, not all of this what the fault of the advisor. I accepted my fellowship with only an inkling of what I wanted to research. I finished my research proposal while I was in Wales, days before I conducted the research. This meant that I would have collected data for my dissertation without writing my dissertation proposal. It was all flipped around, but there was no clear direction from my advisor saying... "Now wait a minute..." That is a warning sign right there. What that tells me in looking back, is that advisor didn't really have my best interests at heart.

Realizing my errors, I've since switched advisors. I am with my original advisor who is supportive, will challenge me, question me, and respond to me in less than 3-weeks (that was the minimum turn-around time for an email from my previous advisor - 3 weeks). Since changing advisors, I've written and defended my proposal, conducted a new research project, and written a rough draft of my dissertation. That is the difference a good advisor can make. I hope this helps!

Round One

2010-09-13T07:33:00.000-04:00

In May of this year, I sat down with my committee and discussed the proposal for my dissertation. It was odd, in a way, because what we were talking about was completely different than what I had in mind. That's not necessarily a bad thing, but it isn't necessarily the way I would have chosen to do things. In 2008, I received a fellowship to conduct research in Wales, and I intended to use this opportunity to conduct research for my dissertation, but that wasn't the case. This is where the importance of a good advisor comes into play.

Although I've had a very good experience at Miami, there were certain things that could have made the experience that much better, and as a result, I could be much more prepared for what lay ahead. Graduate students - ask questions, talk, talk, talk to your advisor, and make them listen to you. If you are a part-time student, as I am, with a family, job, and all that entails... you have to be VIGILANT and constantly look out for your best interests. If you don't, you can get lost in the program and no one will know but you.

That, to a degree, is what happened to me. I got lost in the program for a while, and now I've just wondered about out into the sun. The reality of grad school, of a PhD, of a life as an academic is becoming clearer as I get closer to the end. Silly, isn't it, that that is where most graduate students get their moment of clarity - when it's almost all said and done. Get your moment earlier than this.

Last week, I submitted all 5 chapters of my dissertation for review. This is my first round of edits, and now that the writing storm has subsided, I'm looking for more and new opportunities to write. "Hello blog... it's been a while." I hope to make more concise, content-oriented posts, and not just ramble on like normal. I'm optimistic it can happen, but it's going to take a paradigm change in terms of my routine/thought-processes, etc...

Shifting things around

2010-08-26T07:42:00.000-04:00

Well, I haven't written on this blog for quite a while. I've been working feverishly on my dissertation, and now that school has started, on the curriculum for my course. I've thought a lot about this blog and what it is now and what I had intended it to be.... it needs work. I'm going to try and define a niche and become more focused in my approach in an attempt to improve its content and (hopefully) its readership. More important, I hope to write more consistently with a higher level of quality. This is the first step.

...slow going...?

2010-05-10T22:47:00.000-04:00

March 24. That was the last day that I published anything on this blog. It was an update about how I added texting to my phone. Epic. However, I will not despair... things have been busy and that is what it is. I won't focus on that, instead I will turn my attention to more recent events. I stayed home with my son who wasn't feeling well after getting his wisdom teeth pulled, and I completed my "literature review" - which is really a treatise on the history of education in Wales - well ACTUALLY... it's a historical narrative that focuses on certain events and the contributions of three noted figures in the history of education in Wales. Anyway, I was typing for 6 hours today and wrapped up the final version of the chapter for my committee. 30 pages + 3 pages with references. I hope they love it... actually, I don't care if they love it, I just want them to approve it.
;)~

Crawling into the 21st Century

2010-03-24T07:06:00.002-04:00

I had texting active on my phone for a while, but then my wife and I decided we didn't use it as often as we thought we would. Well, I guess we were wrong because yesterday my wife said she wanted texting back on the phone. So, I've updated the blog to accept txt messages. It's times like these that make me wish I had an international phone. Oh well. So hopefully I'll be able to update the blog "on the fly." This is especially helpful because every once in a while I get an idea that I really like and need a way of recording it. Well, we'll see.

Imagined Communities

2010-03-22T07:32:00.002-04:00

Even though I've only transcribed a handful of the interviews I've collected, I've already been able to identify a couple of recurring themes. If you know anything about Wales and Welshness, you may have guessed one of them: language. There are a lot of discussions about Welsh as a language as opposed to Welsh as an identity. In fact, when I was conducting the interviews and I used the word Welsh, many of the respondents misunderstood the term and responded as if I were asking about the language - or perhaps the concept of Welsh as a language as opposed to identity is so firmly grounded in the forefront of the discourse of Welshness that they have difficulty differentiating the two. I soon picked up on this issue and switched to using the term Cymraeg when asking about the language as opposed identity.

The other theme is community. Many of the participants talked about community either directly or indirectly - meaning they either spoke specifically about the term community - using the word and speaking about their local village, or they talked about it in general terms - not specifically mentioning community, but using language that evoked notions of community. Both localized and nationalized concepts of community were discussed and it made me think about Benedict Anderson's concept of imagined communities. Dicks and Van Loon (p.209, 1999) reiterate Anderson's concept of imagined communities writing,

"Anderson argues that nations are actively constructed communities with finite boundaries, in which the face-to-face mode of human interaction has been displaced by an imaginary simultaneity of existence, disseminated by print-media such as the novel and the newspaper."

The imagined simultaneity represents the impression that members of a community all share "an awareness of each other's existence at any one point in 'empty homogenous time'." (p.209) Anderson believes this is produced through countless narratives such as novels, maps, and museums - but what about curriculum? What about the school, and what about the language used in schools to instruct students on what a community is and how a member of that community performs her/his affiliation? I've just been introduced to Benedict Anderson's work, but I think it will prove to be helpful in fleshing out concepts of community as they relate to my study of how students' and teachers' talk about identity in school construct their performance of that identity.

I wanted to find a picture that related to the post above. I typed "Welsh Community" into Google and this is one of the first images returned. This is the cemetary at Aberfan, a small village in the Merthyr Valley. This is the location of the greatest coal-related tragedy in Welsh history. A coal tip collapsed and demolished the village of Aberfan. The school took the brunt of the damage and 116 children were killed (as well as many adults). I find it interesting that this is one of the images returned from a search using Welsh and Community as keywords. In using Anderson's concept of imagined communities, and if community and the concept of imagined simultaneity of existence is constructed through print media, how is have these concepts been used in producing a sense of community in Aberfan, and how is that specifically tied and grounded to this tragedy that happened 40 years ago? Can Aberfan ever be a different community?

Just keep blogging, just keep blogging...

2010-03-17T09:15:00.000-04:00

Unfortunately, there hasn't been a groundbreaking event recently. In fact, there has been very little going on in terms of my dissertation, and that's kind of a bummer. I get motivated, and then something happens that is political, or personal, or just not really related to anything scholarly, and it kills any enthusiasm I have for the project.

There are a couple of pieces of good news. I've been reading more and more about performance theory. I have a much more solid understanding of performativity, and I made a connection between my project and hidden transcripts. What I need most though is to solidly define my research question. Am I conducting a critical discourse analysis of the curriculum Cymreig so that I may understand how the CC defines and promotes Welshness? I would so "no," but that's not a bad idea. I could focus on the "developing the curriculum Cymreig" document as the subject of my analysis, and use the data interview as a type of secondary data set to support any claims that I may make. Another question might be, "How do student and teacher representations/performance of Welshness relate to the curriculum Cymreig?" This questions fits better with the data I have collected, but not necessarily to my method of analysis? How can CDA be used in analyzing student and teacher talk about Welshness - particularly their discussion of how they perform it?

What I find intriguing are the performatives used in describing the performance of Welshness. So, how do I use CDA in writing about these elements of Welsh discourse? How do I discuss "power relations" - a term I use often in my proposal - and the performance of Welshness? These are things I have to come to terms with soon. I've put some feelers out with my committee and other experts, so hopefully something will come together soon.

Reshuffling the Deck

2010-03-15T00:19:00.001-04:00

Like so many things in life, life as a graduate students comes with its ups and downs, and sometimes even the downs and downs. More often than not, this blog has served as more of a place to vent than a place to reflect upon my work and research - which is part of the research process I'm sure. What I find amusing (which is code for frustrating) is that actually working on the dissertation isn't as maddening as the politics that accompany the entire project.

Well, enough is enough.

That's about all I can say right now, but I'm hoping for some positive things to happen in the next few days. I can only hope and keep my fingers crossed, but I'm going to be optimistic. In addition, I'm making phone calls to potential research sites tomorrow with the hopes of setting up interviews during my trip to Wales over spring break. It will be difficult since school will be out while I'm there, but I only need a handful of 30+ minute interviews, so I'm trying to be positive. In any case, I need to get to bed.

One more thing though, before I go. I was reading today about "hidden transcripts" in terms of performance. I don't have the authors' names right now, but in short, hidden transcripts are constructed and performed against the dominant identity-type. For instance, some students may adopt a particular performance in order to "survive," while at the same time they actually oppose the role (and the powers that perpetuate that role). I started to think about this in terms of the Welsh identity and the English students I interviewed. In the UK, I would argue that the Welsh identity is a marginalized identity. In Wales, while Welsh is the dominant identity, it is still marginalized at large in the UK - there is a certain tension within Welshness that is communicated in Wales. It is dominant, but not dominating - if that makes sense.

In any case, at schools which embrace the Curriculum Cymreig and help students in representing and performing that identity, some English students (like many of those I spoke with) despise Wales and Welshness. However, they are complicit with representations of Welshness in order to maintain grades and fit in socially. What I find interesting is that in other instances of "hidden transcripts" the subordinate student is performing the dominant identity and aligning with the hidden transcripts of the less-dominant identity as a form of opposition. However, in Wales, the English identity is the hidden transcript in opposition to the Welsh identity, HOWEVER, the English identity is still the dominant identity. It is the identity in which all other notions of Welshness are measured against. Well, that's a generalization, but it carries some weight.

In short, and while I haven't really been able to sit down and work this out, I'm interesting in understanding how hidden transcripts relate to power struggles over identity in schools, especially when the hidden transcript is a dominant script written in opposition to a non-dominant script that is performed locally with more political power, but less political sway overall.

It's 12:18 AM - I'll see if this makes sense after a good night's rest.

With Spring comes change

2010-03-09T16:20:00.000-05:00

The weather took an unexpected turn from cold, gray, and dismal to bright, sunny, and warm - and it gave me a boost in energy and a chance for a better disposition. I've been feeling a little bit less than optimistic about writing the dissertation, but that's nothing new for a doctoral student. Although I understand how difficult of a process it can be, I didn't fully anticipate how all of the factors in my life have complicated this final stage of my program.

Working as a middle school teacher has a been a great experience, but at the same time, it saps my time and energy. When I'm not in class, I'm at home recovering from class. When I'm not recovering from class, I'm grading or preparing for class. It's the life of a teacher, but combine that with the life of a father, husband, and grad student and you suddenly have a perfect storm for falling short at everything. The icing on the cake is how I feel so isolated from academic life. I haven't had much communication with my adviser. I'm not sure if that's her style or if it's an indication that we aren't compatible - but for what it's worth - I can't manage a clear, steady channel of communication. I've submitted work to her and it's taken an inordinate amount of time for it to be returned. I understand life can get difficult, but I can't help but feel like I'm being ignored. I'm not sure how to approach this, but I think something needs to happen - and soon.

However, I'm not going to get down in the dumps. The weather is beautiful. Spring is in the air, and the most important thing is that I stay focused, and busy. I must WORK. Working will alleviate a lot of my frustration.

BBC - Wales On Air - What is Welshness?

2010-03-05T08:36:00.000-05:00

BBC - Wales On Air - What is Welshness?

I discovered this link just a couple of minutes ago. I'm just saving it here so I can come back to it later. I wonder how representations of Welshness have changed/stayed the same over the past 30-40 years.

TechIES Course Evaluation Survey

2010-03-04T07:04:00.001-05:00

Hello!

If you are one of my TechIES students this trimester, please click on the following link and complete the course evaluation. If you are visiting this page and are not a member of this course, please ignore this post.

Cheers

Mr Smith

Click here to take survey

St David's Day

2010-03-01T19:16:00.002-05:00

I let it slip past me.

I stayed up to all hours of the night last night helping my son with a "social justice" project in his social studies class. The project was educating people about the cultural authority and political power wielded by Disney. The project was great, and he received an excellent score, but it took all night to pull it off. That said, when I woke up this morning, I completely neglected the fact that it was St David's Day.

I wanted to celebrate St David's Say this year at my school. I didn't want to make too big of a deal out of it, I just wanted to do something to let my students know about St. David's Day and Wales. I thought of wearing one of my Welsh lapel pins - that would be easy. I even had the idea of convincing my wife to help me make little leeks and daffodils that my students could wear if they wanted. I think a lot of them would have taken me up on the offer. Participating in St David's Day was one of the most prevalent performances of Welshness mentioned by the participants in my study at a high school in Carmarthen, Wales. They spoke warmly of how they would "dress up" when they were younger, and even now (in year 12 and 13), the girls enjoy wearing daffodils and the boys (and girls) their rugby jerseys (not football - apparently Welsh footbal is "rubbish").

The students also spoke of eating cawl with big, great, globs of cheese in it and going to the assemblies in school where they would sing Welsh songs and listen to Welsh music. All of these are performances of Welshness and represent certain elements of the discourse of Welshness as it is understood by students who have attended schools in Wales for the majority of their academic careers. But is this totality of Welshness as it is represented in schools? If so, how does these interact with issues of power and identity at large in the UK? If there is more to the discourse of Welshness in Welsh schools, then what are those elements and why do they not come to mind as readily as leeks and dragons and rugby?

Cynrychioli Cymreictod (Representing Welshness)

2010-02-28T09:19:00.000-05:00

When I decided to undertake a study to analyze representations of Welshness, I somewhat naively assumed that interviewing people would be the best way to go about collecting the data. I suppose this is because I was reading "traditional" books about "traditional" methods of data collection. However, now that I'm well into the study, I've come to the realization that social networking/media web sites such as Facebook, My Space, and Youtube are also excellent ways to view representations of Welshness.

As I've watched some of the videos and posts on these sites, I've realized that the creators of these videos rely on many of the same narrative, tropes, metaphors, etc in representing Welshness as the respondents in my study.I'm going to post some videos from youtube and other blogs that include Welsh elements. As you watch these videos, think about what imagery is used to convey Welshness and why those images are considered to be useful in conveying that message? Listen to the audio (or read the text) and look for the experiential, relational, and expressive values in the words and grammatical features.

Next, think about who produced this and why? What inferences can be made about the relationship among the text (or video), the discursive practices (producing text or video and the construction of the representation in the video), and the cultural elements (what do I believe about the text/video, what principles are implicit in these beliefs, etc ?).

Remembering Welshness - prt 1

2010-02-27T23:30:00.001-05:00

"Remembering is never a quiet act of introjection and retrospection. It is a painful remembering, a putting together of the dismembered past to make sense of the trauma of the present."
- Bhabha, The Location of Culture, p.90, 1994

Mom
My mother was born in New Tredegar, a tiny Welsh village tucked away in what is called the "Rhymney valley." For the remainder of her childhood years, she would leave New Tredegar, but she wouldn't travel far from the Rhymney.

She lived for a while in a home on St. Margaret's Avenue in Cefn Fforest,and eventually she and her family settled in a cozy bungalow home in Aberbargoed.

The Family

Her father was a coal miner at Britannia Colliery in Aberbargoed. Her mother worked in the home. While living in Aberbargoed, my mother met my father, a US missionary, and eventually he returned home to the US and she emigrated a few months later. I've always enjoyed this aspect of my family - of my identity. I associate with Wales and Welshness much more than my brother or sister, and sometimes I think maybe even my mother. However, that's not to say that there weren't complications.

I rarely had the chance to see my grandparents, or any of my extended family for that matter. Travel for either side of the family was a financial burden, and in the early 1970s, my parents considered international phone calls a luxury that we just couldn't afford - at least not with any regularity. My mother kept in contact with her parents primarily through letter writing, and I would keep in contact with my grandparents by speaking with my mother. For the early years of my life, my primary method of learning about my Welsh family members came from my mother, and any understanding that I had of Wales and Welshness was almost entirely dependent on her representations. Any other notions regarding Wales and Welshness had to be gleaned from my brief interactions with my family through letter writing, telephone calls on holidays, and the rare family vacation.

Queenie and Charlie

In 1988, my parents decided we should spend the winter break in Wales. I was 17 years old. I had been to Wales before on a previous family vacation in 1982, but this trip was different in a number of ways. I was a little bit older, a little bit wiser (if that's possible at 17), and I began to see the family and the country in different ways.

My grandmother's nickname is Queenie - I don't know how that happened, but it was a name that my grandfather and neighbors called her occasionally. My grandfather's name is Charles. Everyone called him Charlie. My grandmother was tiny, about 4' 10" - 5' 0" and about 85 lbs at her healthiest, and she was never healthy. At the time of her death in 1996 she weighed approximately 70 lbs. In thinking about Welshness in phenomenological terms, a large portion of what I know about Welshness stems from my experiences with my grandparents. From a performance perspective, my grandmother was a living representation of the 'typical Welsh mam' - although she was in so many ways atypical.

Queenie hands and feet were deformed. She had chronic arthritis and the treatments at the time she was diagnosed and receiving treatment were having no effect. The doctors removed her toes on both feet with the exception of her big toe. They broke each big toe and laid them across the top of each foot for support. They then removed the knuckles from her fingers. Her soft, puffy fingers drooped from her hands like little, pink sausages, but this didn't stop her from cooking, cleaning, and taking care of the house. One of the most vibrant images I have is of her sitting in a chair next to the table in the kitchen in the bungalow. She was in between loads of wash, dressed in a light blue, housecoat with a faded flower print and an apron. She is smiling and quietly singing to herself. She looked over at me with bright, sad eyes - fidgeting with a handkerchief that she kept tucked away in the deep pockets of her housecoat.

My grandfather was completely different. Charlie was larger than life (and still only about 5' 6" or so). He could be loud and boisterous or quiet and sullen - and each without a moment's notice. He was strong, from years of working in the pit, and had a quick tongue and sharp wit. Every time he and I were in the same room, I couldn't decided if I loved him or feared him - or both. I don't have many memories of him from my teenage years, but when I visited Wales in 1982, he and I would spend a lot of time together, and this visit created some of my most vibrant memories. For some reason we called each other Virgil. "Heya Virgil, how ya doin'?" he would askas he rolled a cigarette, and I'd reply "prrrettty goood," and we'd both laugh like it was the funniest joke we had ever heard. Then, moments later, he would slip the cigarette from his lips and lean his face in close to mine and grin - like a Cheshire cat - and while I was distracted, he'd burn my arm with the lit end of his cigarette. Then the room would explode in laughter again, but he was the only one laughing.

These are some of my memories of Wales and Welshness. The sweet, Welsh mam who cooked and cleaned in her housecoat, and dutifully kept the up the home for the brawny miner with blue scars and black lungs who kept a devilish glint in his eye, and a smile on his lips.

...and That's a Wrap

2010-02-26T14:58:00.000-05:00

Today marks the end of the "commercial" project for my middle school course. The course is a tech course focuses on the "Design Process" and allows students to explore technology and it's impact on society through learning to design and build inventions. That sounds great, but it is difficult to achieve when you have certain limitations. For instance, I'm a traveling teacher - so I don't have my own room, I don't sufficient storate space, I can't provide the students with any real supplies, I can't supply them with any real tools, and we don't have any kind of shop or workspace. There are other issues, but you get the point.

Enough was enough, and I decided it was time to drop the invention and try to figure out how to teach design principles without having to "build" something. That was when I thought about incorporating Web 2.0 features into the curriculum. This is something that I think the students will enjoy. I'll write on that as I develop the curriculum.

In addition to this revelation, I've also given thought to what I should include in chapter 1 of my dissertation. I will feel much better about my dissertation if I had something in print (other than transcribed interviews). The goal this weekend is to begin serious work in writing the introduction. Finally, I made first contact with a possible research location in Wales. This second set of data will include interviews with teachers and administrators. I hope things go well - time will tell.

A New Connection between Welshness and Schooling

2010-02-23T13:00:00.002-05:00

I read an interesting excerpt from Gramsci and Education that mentioned Raymond Williams. Raymond Williams is an important figure in discussions of Welshness. Williams' own history includes discussions of "Welsh Not" policies in school and the use of education in anglicizing and assimilating the Welsh into an English society. Check out the following excerpt:

"Raymond Williams' account of his early life recalls that he was brought up in an area that had been anglicized in the 1840s. This had been carried through with an intense and conscious pressure in the schools to eliminate the Welsh language, with the "Welsh Not" sign marking punishment for those children who dared to speak it. The result was a minority of families who were bilingual and a majority who spoke only English. Yet Welsh poems and sonds continued to be learned by heart for use on special occasions, a romantic view of early Welsh history revived in the elementary schools and a sense of Welsh identity persisted. As he observes this "... often happens in border districts, which produce a conscious nationalism."

As I collected data from the participants in my study, this conscious nationalism seemed ever present and came readily to the lips of those students who tried to discuss Welshness. These romantic views and folk-stories of Wales become constructed representations of Welshness - this is what is meant by discourse/discursive practices - they are representations of something, a way of thinking about and knowing something. That is why I believe it is important to do a critical analysis of the discourse that contributes to students' representations of Welshness. If, as Foucault and Butler assert, discourse produces the speaking subject, then what elements of discourse are included in the construction of these students (in terms of their national and ethnic identity)? How do we demythologicalize concepts of Welshness and dislocate them from oppressive discourses and their concomitant discursive practices?

A thought before school begins

2010-02-23T07:45:00.003-05:00

I was thinking about the different ways that representations of Welshness were communicated to me by the participants in my study. They were varied and yet so similar. Then I thought about what other representations of Wales were "out there" - who is writing, singing, dancing, performing... about Welshness?

"It's in the little old Welsh Mams on the buses their perfectly white white snow white, sometimes-dyed-brown curly hair, covered with their delicate bright coloured headscarfs. It's the grettings of welcome and congratulations from complete strangers. the nod of a head from the dog walkers extraordinaire. It's in the nonconformist, Welsh revival claim of salvation chipped into the random rockface at a village entrance. The glorious, overwhelming, haunting lullof the wind as it whips around the valley. The crash and rumble of the ever racing, gushing, trickling, bubbling, life giving river. The tumbling cloud after tumbling cloud, the fast paced quick witted murmur of the ever-changing weather.

The singsong, sing and song lilting chorus like dialect. It's in the 'goodmorning boyo, how is back today?', and the little girl that screams 'thank you' to the busman not leaving till he says goodbye. The grit black, onyx of the midnigh star sprinked sky that hangs with wisdom and power holding safe the secrets and magic of the daylight. It's the steadfast beauty of the landscape, the character, the utterly enchanting dreadful beauty of Wales and Welshness.

This is something I found on a blog. The author said it was an excerpt from Dylan Thomas' "Under Milkwood." That is something I've wanted to read for a while, and now I think I will since the responses from the subjects in my study include so many of the elements represented here. Fairclough describes words as having experiential, relational, and expressive values. Experiential values communicate how the creator of the text wants to characterize the world. Relational values refer to social relatinships that are discursively reinforced. Expressive values provide insight as to how the creator of the text relates to the reality contained in the text. (Fairclough, 1989).

Here are some questions one might ask if conducting an analysis using Fairclough's approach:

What are the experiential values of the words contained in "Under Milkwood?" or in other words, what values are used to communicate how Dylan Thomas characterizes Wales and Welshness?
What relational values exist in the text? or in other words, what social relationships are constructed and reinforced in the Dylan Thomas piece?
What are the expressive values that help us understand how Dylan Thomas relates to the reality contained in the text? What expressive values help us understand Dylan Thomas' representation of Wales and Welshness?
What metaphors are used?
What are the experiental, relational, and expressive values of the grammatical features?
How are simple sentences linked together?
What interactional conventions are used? (This is primarily for dialogue)
What larger scale structures does the text have?

Fairclough, N. (2001). Language and Power: Language in Social Life. Boston, MA: Pearson.

A Day in the Life...

2010-02-22T07:59:00.018-05:00

When I'm not writing about Welshness, I'm teaching 7th grade students at a middle school just outside of Cincinnati. My course is a technology course with a twist. It's called TechIES (Technology, Imagination, Economy, and Society) and it covers a wide array of topics and how they relate to technology. The primary focus of the course is the "design process" and students interact with that concept in a variety of ways. The "final project" for the course involves students creating inventions that solve "everyday problems." Currently, my students are recording commercials to advertise their inventions.

So... I've decided to try and capture my experiences today via this blog. I'm going to attempt to update this blog for every period and jot down anything interesting that happens with my students.

BELL 1 - 7:24
Most of my students forgot that we were recording our commercials today. I predicted that would happen, but I don't blame them... who wants to think about school over the weekend? Anyway, I handed out the video cameras and they went out into the halls do their "thing." Out of my four groups, only one came back with video that they could use, lol. That's pretty typical. Based on my previous experience, things won't really get productive until Wednesday.

BELL 2 - 8:11
I've asked my students to tell what they think I should say about bell 2 so far... here are some of their responses:

Sasquatch is attacking the building
They want me to say this is bell is my favorite class :)
Bell 2 is awesome

One of the groups forgot their camera, but I have extra cameras for them to use. I'm surprised at how reluctant they are to begin filming their commercials. Normally, students are clamoring to get out of the classroom, but these kids are pretty comfortable here. They're just waiting for me I suppose... Well... Let's GO!

8:34 - All of my students are out of the room with the exception of about 7 students. Here's one of the problems with having mutliple groups filming in different locations in the school - the teacher can't be there with all the students. That means I have to TRUST the students to behave accordingly. I think this is a great situation simply because this is a lesson in and of itself. It's a curricular thing, the concept of trust, and most forms of schooling don't seem to address it meaningful ways - ways that situate the concept of trust as something that is important now.

8:50 - There are mixed emotions about how my students feel about their productivity today. Some think they were very productive and others.... well not so much. Our goal for tomorrow: to actually film some of their commercials.

Bell 3 - 8:58
So.. my students in third bell want me to tell you that they are the WILDEST class... which is pretty accurate, but their OK. =) The funny thing about this class, is that the girls sit one side of the room, and the boys sit on the other. They did this themselves, I didn't split them up. That means that I have one VERY quiet side of the room (I'll let you guess which group that is...) and then I have a um... less quiet side of the room. There is a problem with this in that sometimes I overlook the girls because they are behaving so well and focusing on keeping the boys on task. I need to work on that.

9:14 - I'm really pleased with my class right now. Although they can often be somewhat of a challenge in terms of behavior, they are all working well and engaged. Perhaps this is an example of learning styles preferences and these kids may be predominately active/kinestetic learners. In any case, they are moving right along.

9:41 - We started out strong, but towards the end, they just couldn't keep it together. This is the process... we do, we learn, we try again.

Bell 4 - 9:45
Here's a greeting from my students in fourth bell: They want you to know that they are awesome and that they love you. How about that? Oh yeah, and they apparently like the following things:

Pie
Unicorns
Dinosaurs
Ninjas
Chocolate
Elmo

Like my other classes, these students are supposed to be working on their commercials, so I'm going to let them get started now. We'll check in towards the end of class. (Update) the students have all dispersed to various areas in the school. One group is still in the room with me. They're excited to make their commercials and I'm looking forward to seeing what they come up with. They are pretty creative.

I asked the students if they wanted to add anything to the blog about the project, but they don't really have anything to say about it right now. I saw a lot of fun things and I hope the projects turn out the way they want.

Bell 5 - 11:06
Bell five is an energetic class with a really wide array of students. This is the bell after lunch, so the students are usually still pretty excited. Here is a greeting from my 5th bell students:

They say "hey, hey.." and they like the following things:

iPod Lewisky (that's a nickname for one of my students) likes dancing
Jay-Z
cheescake
and of course, Lebron can shoot a better three than Kobe

11:20 - The students are out and about rehearsing and filming. Some of the inventions they created include a heated seat cushion for school chairs, a portable, telescoping drink holder, and a new kind of student planner. I find it interesting that every one of my classes this tri has an invention that is designed to make the chairs at school more comfortable. What are these kids telling us? Foucault would have something to say about students' bodies and schooling I'm sure.

11:45 - My student want you to know that the videos are....

It was painful because their video included a student getting "punished"
One group in particular is 'upset' that I didn't name the folder that holds their files "the powerpuff girls"
It was really funny because of some "accidents"
Our last group said that it was interesting

I guess that's it for 5th bell.

Bell 6 - 11:53

So, this is 6th bell and here is a brief greeting from my students. This is what they want you to know:

Hi, wassup, and a bunch of other ways to say Hello

Ok. So that's that. Now they're off to record their videos. This period went by swimmingly, just about everyone was involved and working on their video. It's funny, but I thought I'd have more to write about this project - maybe some little anecdotes to share, but to be honest, nothing particularly out of the ordinary has happened. Ah well. One thing for sure, I'm learning that I need to work more on writing interesting blog entries. This stuff is kind of dry.

Bell 8 - 1:27
Last bell of the day, here is what my students want you to know:

This is a pretty fun class
One of the students says that he is a "kitty."
We do a lot of projects such as, recording with video cameras, making pop-bottle cars, and of course, inventions
Oh yeah, and thank goodness there are no more quizzes

So that's a day in the life of a Tech teacher, at least today anyway. Things were amazingly uneventful. Perhaps it was because it was Monday. Now that it's all said and done, the challenge now is to unpack the day's events and reflect on what was being learned and what the students came to know and understand from today's activity. The underlying principle for the course is "the design process" - meaning that the students should understand how a particular process can be applied to predict and generate desired results. I guess we'll find out if that's the case when the students finish their videos.

Cat Battle Royale

2010-02-21T09:02:00.000-05:00

We have two cats: Sadie & Bronwyn. Sadie is... three years old, maybe four and Bronwyn is less than a year. We thought perhaps Sadie's maternal instincts would kick in and she would dote over Bronwyn a bit, but apparently - that's not the case! This morning they are tumbling and rolling around the kitchen hissing and swatting at each other. They don't seem angry (until Sadie has had enough), and they are constantly running full-speed through the house after one another, it just wasn't what we expected I guess. This is Bronwyn.

and this is Sadie...

What strikes me about writing this post is how Bronwyn's name is underlined in red. I'm not surprised. Just about every Welsh name is underlined in red in any word processor or editor I use, and these programs don't have to include a dictionary of Welsh words in their programming, but it does remind me of names communicate otherness. For instance, if you're an American and you're reading this blog (let me just say thanks, because I'm not sure anyone reads this blog) think about how many non-American, or non-English speaking people you know. What are their names? Do you know what their name means?

This is important because those of us who are white, English speaking Americans tend to commit various forms of microaggression against people who are different from us. These microaggressions come in the form of racial or linguistic aggressions (and if we're male, gender/sexual aggressions as well). Asking someone what their name means may be a sincere attempt to "make a connection" or to acknowledge someone culture, but what it often communicates is that this person is different... so different that we need to orient them to an English discourse before we can come to terms with who they are.

Think about it, if you're name is Bob, how many people ask you what Bob means? Bob has a meaning, but we don't ask Bob what it is - Bob probably doesn't even know! However, if we run into an Angharad (Welsh), or Yu (Japan), or any other "foreign" name, we tend to ask "what does your name mean?" The name doesn't have to mean anything! Did you choose your child's name because of it's meaning? My wife and I chose our kids' names because we liked the sound and they seemed to "fit." The names did communicate something to us, and although we did look up the meaning of the names out of curiosity, these meanings didn't really affect our choice. Asking someone what their name means forces a type of exoticification on them - "Ooh, Nzinga, that's so exotic, what does that mean?" Chances are, it means her mom and dad like the name Nzinga.

Certainly parents do think about what names mean, but typically - in the US - we just don't give it much consideration, but when we ask about the meanings of non-English names, we are orienting that person to an English standard. We are norming the name, so to speak. We are basically saying, "I can't make sense of you until I hear you in English - translate yourself for me." This is a type of microaggression that can make people feel excluded and isolated.

Miami University EDL graduate conference & other things

2010-02-20T16:04:00.004-05:00

Ok. So I went to the Miami University graduate conference today. I sat in on a couple of presentations that included CDA as part of the presenters' research. That was great. What was even more interesting was that one of the presenters was very enthusiastic about blogging - and I need to be be MORE enthusiastic about blogging - sit it all worked out.

Tara (my wife) and I just watched Julie & Julia (I think, or Julia and me, etc... I can't remember). This is a movie about a woman who started a blog about her going through every page of Julia Child's cookbook. It was an interesting movie with a great performance by Meryl Streep. The reason why I mention it is because that also has pricked my conscious about writing in this blog. I even had a couple of responses and didn't write back! (sorry Tonya) - so, in addition to the other things on my list, I'm reprioritizing my blogging.

Well, see how that goes. I'm a big fan of pictures/videos, so as soon as I find my camera (or mostly, buy a new one), I'll have even more reason to blog. One exciting thing that I can blog about now is that our family is going to Wales in April. This is a vacation/research trip, although I'm still working out the details on the research sectionl. We'll see how that goes. In any case... this is my newest attempt at blogging consistently, lol.

K, so I'm not so good at ending the dry spell

2010-01-25T07:21:00.002-05:00

I only have a few minutes, but if there is anyone out there reading this... I'm starting over, again, etc... whatever you want to call it, but it's time to get serious about a few things, and today's the first day.

AESA Conference and Washington DC

2009-11-06T07:00:00.005-05:00

Well, I presented the work I've been doing on my dissertation at the American Educational Studies Association (AESA) conference yesterday. It was a lot of fun to see everyone from Miami again. That's the thing about working on your dissertation, you are left to work on your own... and that's that. PLUS, since I'm working full-time, I'm never on campus. In fact, I rarely even talk to my adviser anymore... so I guess it's time to reconnect and get some form to this whole process.

In the meantime, here are few pics from the trip to Pittsburgh. After Pittsburgh, we headed out towards DC, and are going to spend a couple of days in Washington DC together.

Dr. Carlson, Jamal Abuattiyeh, and me at the conference. The seminar was about post-colonial studies and how they can help educators to position what they do and what they teach in a way that allows students (and themselves) to see and speak to different forms of oppression. The vast majority of us tend to go through our lives never realizing the amount of oppression that exists, or that we contribute to/are complicit with, simply because of how "normalized" these experiences have become. We need to break-free of the normalized ideologies that make these things seem like normal, everyday occurrences, or that make us think that that is simply "how the world works."

Trying to End the Dry Spell

2009-10-27T14:57:00.002-04:00

I haven't paid much attention to this blog, and to be honest, I doubt anyone else has either. However, I've decided I need to try and get back on the ball. Blogging was a nice tool for me to try and focus my thoughts and write about my work with the hopes of receiving feedback, making connections, and just to have a forum where the ideas can be "out there" and percolate a bit in a public forum.

I've been reading some interesting texts recently. The first is Norman Fairclough's Lnaguage and Power. This is a great "how to" and "why" for CDA. The other texts have been chapters and essays from books about performance theory. I'm so glad Kathleen and the other members of my committee mentioned this body of theory to me because it matches very nicely to my research interests and the design of my study. Now, I just need to familiar myself with the theory, the theorists, and how I can put it to work.

I haven't been writing much lately, and that is VERY frustrating. Working at the middle school has proved to be much more time consuming (and DRAINING) than I thought it would be. It has taken me longer to get the curriculum together than originally planned, and then there are the 1001 other projects that we have going on out our house right now that never seem to go away. Still... I gotta keep at it. I'm hoping this entry is the first in a series of meaningful entries that will help me to stay focused and thinking about my research topic. With any luck, I'll be walking across the stage at Miami in August (maybe December) and my student's can call me either Dr. Smith or "Oh Captain, my captain."

Love, Peace, and Chicken Grease.

Ok. How about this for an abstract?

2009-09-15T16:08:00.005-04:00

Curriculum & Identity: The Curriculum Cymreig and Learning to Perform Welshness

How does a formal curriculum designed to maintain and develop the identity of members of a minority group work to transform that identity or reproduce it? That is the question that serves as the basis of this study. With this question in mind, I focus on the Curriculum Cymreig, a curricular initiative in Wales that is designed to help students to "understand and celebrate the distinctive quality of living and learning in Wales in the twenty-first century, to identify their own sense of Welshness and to feel a heightened sense of belonging to their local community and country." (Developing the Curriculum Cymreig, pg.4, 2003)

As mentioned above, the national curriculum in Wales is not only designed to help students achieve certain academic standards, it is also designed to help them understand and identify with the concept of Welshness. For this study, the concept of Welshness is defined as the qualities of being Welsh, which often transcends a one-dimensional cultural designation and is often understood as a signifier of national, cultural, and ethnic identity. These signifiers of an individual’s identity can be understood as parts of a performance (Goffman, 1959), a performance which is produced and reproduced through one’s interaction with various individuals and institutions in society. Furthermore, in terms of this study, Welshness is not only regarded as a type of performance, but also as a discursive formation (Foucault, 1972) that organizes and normalizes students’ ideological assumptions of Welshness and how it is to be performed (Fairclough, 1995).

The purpose of this study then is to conduct a critical discourse analysis of the discourse(s) of Welshness utilized by both the Curriculum Cymreig and students in Wales. The data for this study were collected from an examination of Developing the Curriculum Cymreig, a publication produced by the Awdurdod Cymwysterau, Cwricwlwm ac Asesu Cymru (ACCAC, the curriculum and assessment authority for Wales) that is intended to assist schools in designing and implementing a Curriculum Cymreig, and interviews conducted with students who have experienced the Curriculum Cymreig throughout the entirety of their educational experience in Wales. From this analysis, I not only hope to uncover some of the ideological assumptions associated with the performance of Welshness, but also to reveal ways in which the discourse of Welshness serves to direct the Welsh in their role as an “other” in British society.

REFERENCES
Developing the Curriculum Cymreig Retrieved from http://old.accac.org.uk/uploads/documents/216.pdf. on June, 01, 2008.
Fairclough, N. (1995). Critical Discourse Analysis: Papers in the Critical Study of Language. London, England: Longman.
Fairclough, N. (2000). Language and Power, 2nd Ed. New York, NY: Longman.
Foucault, M. (1972). The Archaeology of Knowledge and the Discourse on Language. New York, NY: Pantheon.
Goffman, E. (1959).The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life. New York, NY: Knopf Doubleday Publishing Group.

Teaching Again

2009-09-02T11:15:00.003-04:00

In the latter part of this summer I was given the opportunity to apply for a teaching job at a local middle school. This wasn't part of my original plan. I originally had planned on working on my dissertation full-time and then find a job. However, this was an opportunity that I couldn't pass, with timing that couldn't have been better. Now, I won't have to worry about getting a job as soon as school is over. I can take my time.

Now if I can only find time to write my dissertation.

But that's not what this post is about. Here's what this post is about. I'm teaching again, and that means that I'm going to have the opportunity to practice what I preach. What does that mean exactly? It means that I need to look at curriculum as more than a document or set of objectives. It means that I must genuinely see the teacher-student relationship as teacher/student and student/teacher. It means I need to work on making a democratic classroom and to help my students think critically (not only Kantian critical, but Frankfurt School critical) about their topic. All in all, I need to put my theory into practice.

I spoke with a couple of teachers and told them about some of my ideas. They looked at me like I was crazy. Why make it hard for yourself, they seemed to ask, and I have to admit, it is a lot of hard work. Still, to know that you're doing something different, and that that difference has real potential to make a meaningful impact in someone's life, makes it worth the effort.

I decided I wanted students to contribute to the desgination of class rules, how the assignments are made, graded, and presented, and to encourage the students to make suggestions about how the course should run overall. I asked them to help me understand how to make the class meaningful to them now, and not just somethig that will "prepare them for (fill in the blank)." In addition, I want students to be able to discuss how this all fits in with living in a democratic society. I can say that now I really do understand what is meant by the saying "teaching is political," because discussions of school and how it relates to democracy includes values and assumptions that are at the very heart of how we understand American democracy to be, and these values and assumptions can make class discussions difficult, sticky situations. Having these discussions in fair and equitable ways, while meeting the state objectives and expectations of the students, parents, and administration is a juggling act that takes deliberate care and planning - and I hope am I up to the task. In any case, I can't not do these things. If I truly believe education to be critical to a student's realization as a contributing member of democratic society - and that schools not only serve as the site where this realization takes place, but also where the foundations of transforming an inequitable society into a fully inclusive society occur, then I have to find the proper mix of content, critical thought, and curriculum in the classroom.

A suggestion for managing interview data

2009-07-20T09:29:00.010-04:00

Well, it's been a while since I've written anything here... or anything at all really. I have to admit this is a low-point in my graduate studies. I've had some set-backs, and some extenuating circumstances that I didn't expect, but I'm trying to stay positive and productive. I'm once again reviewing the work I've done so far and trying to figure out exactly how to best move forward with my dissertation. Personally, I feel like I'm struggling with a commitment to a theoretical stance or position, and that this "unsettling sensation" is further exacerbated by a few other factors that I'll think I'll just leave unsaid. In any case, I think I may be re-positioning my study as a phenomenological study of students' expressions of Welshness. Maybe my introduction will look something like this: (this is a just a brief example)

Cognitive representations of identity are comprised of a variety of social, cultural, and political influences. How individuals understand and express their concept of a national or ethnic identity might be key to understanding ways in which education can best respond to issues surrounding students' identity. The purpose of this study was to describe Welsh students' cognitive representations of Welshness. A purposeful sampling of 45 male and female students attending a secondary school in Wales were interviewed. Using XXXX's phenomenological method, rigor was established through application of verification, validation, and validity. From 150 significant statements, 10 themes emerged. Cognitive representations included conceptualizing Welshness as 'farms & sheep', 'rural villages', and 'speaking Welsh'. These conceptualizations from students may assist curriculum developers in Wales to meet the requirements of the ACCAC's guidance for the Curriculum Cymreig by understanding the significant elements of students' conceptions of Welshness."

I would like to then critique this "phenomenological essence" of Welshness as a constructed identity that is primarily a result of the artifacts of English imperialism that still exist in contemporary Britain. I guess we'll see what my committee has to say.

In any case, I have 45-50 interviews that I need to listen to and transcribe. I might not need all 50 of them, so I've found a nice way to manage the interviews using my iPod and iTunes. This is NOT an endorsement for either of those products - they're simply what I have and use. Here's what ya do:

1. Get all of your interview data into MP3 format (if they aren't already).
2. Give the name for each file a distinct character at the beginning of the file name (i.e. the "@" sign. The file name may look something like this "@001.mp3").
3. Import all the files into your iTunes.
4. Create a playlist (use a name like "interviews# etc.).
5. Synch your iPod. Using the unique character at the beginning of the file name will ensure that the files are organized in a block in your iTunes.
6. After synching your ipod, you can now browse to your playlist.
7. Now that you have the interviews in your playlist (and on your iPod), you can now listen to them and RATE them. That's the cool part. Simply give the interviews that you think are the best a good rating. Then, when you synch your iPod again, you have indicated which interviews are those that will help you the most.

Mickey Mouse Monopoly

2009-06-26T12:31:00.005-04:00

This is a very interesting (if somewhat dated) video about the influence Disney has in the world, particularly as in relation to how people are represented. This is important because although these stories are viewed simply as entertainment, Disney also markets their product offerings as educational. This, in combination with Disney's cultural prestige and ever-presence in our culture adds a greater sense of "truth" to these stories & representations. Since Disney is the great story teller of the world, these (mis)representations are accepted without question. They are imbued by the ideological assumptions that we have accepted as "normal," and as such, we don't question how things are presented to us and how these representations are made.

Rethinking, rewriting, revising and combining

2009-05-09T11:00:00.006-04:00

Well, this is my second post in just a couple of weeks so perhaps my frequency in writing on this blog will continue to improve. I've been terribly busy with school work, and that's made it even more difficult to want to write - even for something as therapeutic as this blog - lol. Oh well. I'm currently working on a chapter in a book about 10 great curricula. I recently visited a one room schoolhouse in New England and will writing the chapter on my understanding of the lived curriculum at that school. I'm working on this with 8 other grad students and our professor, and that means the success of the book (in terms of it being published) is shared by a total of 9 people, and if one person decides it's just too much work for them... well then, we all pay the price I suppose.

I am also in the process of writing my research proposal - the proposal for my dissertation that basically serves as the final hoop that I must jump through in order to begin writing my dissertation. My ideas about this study, and in fact even the study itself, have changed considerably, and in numerous ways, so that process is always interesting and frustrating at the same time.

In addition to this, I'm working on a symposium with Dr Dennis Carlson, Dr Cameron McCarthy and another grad student (hey Jamal!) that we will present at AESA in the fall. I also recently completed a paper that is a result of me rethinking and reimagining my earlier papers as not separate topics, but rather multiple pieces of the same narrative regarding Welsh education.

In terms of this particualr post, the following paper is the result of me revisiting the papers I've posted on this blog and thinking about ways of taking these ideas and compiling them into a single paper that addresses the Curriculum Cymreig in a more complete and meaningful way. So, while it may seem I've simply mashed-up previous papers, it really was a labor of love and a difficult task in editing and re-editing what has come to represent the majority of my work as a graduate student into a single paper that I'm not only happy with, but that also contributes to the body of knowledge regarding the curriculum cymreig and pushes my understanding of the writing process; meaning writing larger (and hopefully publishable) papers that are coherent and compelling, while still trying to increase my own scholarship.

THE CURRICULUM CYMREIG: A POTENTIALLY/PARTICULARLY TRANSFORMATIVE CURRICULUM

Education, Curriculum and Transformation
In Making Choices for Multicultural Education: Five Approaches to Race, Class, and Gender, Sleeter and Grant (2003) discuss an approach to embracing and successfully incorporating concepts of multiculturalism and social justice into an educational environment. They referred to this approach as “education that is multicultural and social reconstructionist” (p. 188). In explaining this educational perspective, they describe the concept as not only an approach to curriculum development but also as a philosophical perspective that permeates the school environment. As it is situated in the field of critical pedagogy, I would further position it is a pedagogical armament that can be utilized as an approach to situate schools as sites of social transformation and may allow students, educators and parents to no longer perceive schools and curricula as oppressive limited-situations (Freire, 2006), but as realities that are dynamic and subject to real transformation. With this in mind, what follows is a critical reading of Developing The Curriculum Cymreig, a document produced by the ACCAC (Awdurdod Cymwysterau, Cwricwlwm ac Asesu Cymru or Qualifications, Curriculum and Assessment Authority for Wales). The purpose of this document is to assist schools in successfully implementing the Curriculum Cymreig into the educational experiences of students in Wales. The Curriculum Cymreig, as described later, is a Common Requirement of the National Curriculum for Wales that provides a distinct, Welsh dimension for education in Wales. The purpose of this investigation is to recognize the strengths of the ACCAC document while discovering new ways in which the educational experiences provided to students not only assist them in meeting their intellectual needs, but also helps them to develop a political literacy which they can actively employ in transforming Welsh society. To accomplish this goal, I utilize Sleeter and Grant’s perspective of “education that is multicultural and social reconstructionist” as a type of lens that will emphasize areas in which the Curriculum Cymreig can be mobilized as a positive force of real, transformative change in Welsh society. In addition, I draw heavily upon the work of Paulo Freire, whose understanding of political literacy, among other qualities, grants him a distinct presence in regard to his contributions to the field of critical pedagogy. Notable figures including Giroux (1985), McLaren (1994, 2005), and Kincheloe (2005) each discussed how the writings of Freire have inspired them in their own work, and in the same spirit of inspiration, I also employ the work of Paulo Freire in addressing the efficacy of the Curriculum Cymreig as a meaningful and potentially transformative curriculum in regard to students’ existential reality and liberation in Wales.

Solidly grounded in the work of the members of the Frankfurt school, and invigorated by George Counts’ charge in 1932, those who adopt a critical perspective in education believe in framing educational opportunities within the “language of possibility” (Aronowitz & Giroux, p.19, 1985) in an effort to situate schools as the sites of social transformation. As noted by Sleeter & Grant (2003), critical pedagogy and social reconstructionism allow one to approach issues of social justice through the examination and transformation of social structures. This in turn then contributes to the increased awareness and humanity of members in that society. As schools serve as powerful institutions which produce and reproduce knowledge and culture in society (Apple, 2004), those working in the tradition of critical pedagogy see schools as prime locations for the transformation of societal structures and their attendant discursive practices which limit humanity and obfuscate the mechanisms of oppression. This is a key characteristic of critical pedagogy; the efforts associated with this approach to education are not focused in attacking and eliminating socially unjust circumstances from society, but rather in transforming society as a whole. The goal is not an excision of unjust practices and worldviews from society, but in creating a reality in which these practices and perspectives can not exist in the structural strata of society. Advocates of critical pedagogy argue, among other positions, that people should “understand the nature of oppression in modern society” and understand how their “ascribed characteristics (e.g. race, class, gender) and their culture impact on that oppression” (Sleeter & Grant, p.190, 2003). This understanding of multiple forms of oppression, and the varied components of social life which intersect it, is dependent upon the development of political literacy. In The Politics of Education: Culture, Power and Liberation, Freire (1985) describes the importance of political literacy in terms of understanding the world as a transformable reality.

“A political illiterate-regardless of whether she or he knows how to read and write is one who… has a naive outlook on social reality, which for this one is a given, that is, social reality is a fait accompli rather than something that's still in the making.” (p. 103)

In both Wales and the US, an official school curriculum is manifested in the creation of a document laden with objectives, standards and benchmarks that have been disseminated to schools from a bureaucratic political body which governs educational policies and its varied ancillary organizations. Although nationalized and standardized curricula are relatively recent fixtures in terms of the history of public education in Wales and the United States, these approaches have become the dominant force in determining what type of knowledge is worth knowing, as well as who should receive this knowledge and why. With this in mind, Freire (2006) in Pedagogy of the Oppressed, revealed the ease in which education can serve as a tool of oppression through his explanation of the ‘Banking Model of Education’ In this example, Freire differentiates between a Subject¬ “…those who know and act” and an Object – “…those who are known and acted upon.” (Freire, p. 36, 2006). He then makes apparent the role of the teacher, who imbued with authoritarian power and knowledge, deposits this knowledge into the passive, unquestioning minds of the students. As a result, the students are objectified, and as objects their ability to see the world as a transformable reality is displaced with an existential duality that possesses both their experience of oppression and the characteristics of their oppressor (Freire, 2006). Advocates of education that is multicultural and social reconstructionist are interested in ways in which social institutions such as education project an objectifying worldview in society. As such, they are concerned with the “elimination of oppression of one group of people by another.” In specifically addressing the goals of multicultural education, they desire to “reflect the concerns of diverse cultural groups” (Sleeter & Grant, p. 188, 2003) in an educational environment. As a point of clarity, I would like to situate the term “multicultural education” in a very specific context – in a particular understanding that speaks to the intent of “Education that is multicultural and social reconstructionist.” Multiculturalism, from which multicultural education is derived, can elicit multiple responses from different audiences, and it has come to convey different meanings in different contexts. Like multicultural initiatives in the US, the transformative nature of a multicultural approach to education is often undermined by its implementation. I point to the complexity of multiculturalism discussed by West and Brown (1993) as an example. In this discussion Cornell West describes multiculturalism as “the language of bureaucrats” (p.154, 1993), and although West notes that he may have to work under the term due to the nature of a particular struggle in which he may be involved, he does not accept multiculturalism as a whole because “it seems to be an obscuring term, obscuring the deeper intellectual issues…” (p.154, 1993). Indeed, in many instances multiculturalism is recklessly applied to existing curricula and regarded as an afterthought in terms of its educational practices and pedagogy. As a result, the significance of a multicultural approach to education is lost as it fails to affect the fundamental structures of power relations in and of the school. In the United States, a technical application of multiculturalism still operates as an assimilationist approach to education (Banks, 1994). For the purpose of clarity, I refer to Banks’ definition of multicultural education which states, “Multicultural education tries to create equal opportunities for all students by ensuring that the total school environment reflects the diversity of groups in classrooms, schools, and the society as a whole” (Banks, p.4, 1994). As part of a critical approach to multiculturalism, advocates of this approach to education also “want to identify with a more assertive and transforming educational position” (Sleeter & Grant, p. 188, 2003).

In addition to recognizing the individuality of each student, and in appreciating the breadth of diversity amongst students as an asset in an educational environment, this approach requires a critical analysis and a determination to peer through the obstructing veil surrounding social institutions as a constant form of reflection that accompanies our action. The incorporation of theory and critique into our practice – basic principles of Freire’s concept of Praxis (Freire, 2006), is what differentiates the practical from the rhetorical and can position curriculum development processes that embrace multicultural and social reconstructionist principles as paradigms which shape the development of political literacy. This enhanced perspective of the world allows individuals to perceive the presence of oppression in society, to better understand its characteristics, and to act appropriately in the elimination of oppressing circumstance and the transformation of their reality. In regard to instances of oppression and social action, and how they relate to the establishment of the Curriculum Cymreig, it is important to view the struggle for Welsh education in a social/historical/cultural context. Therefore, prior to my reading of Developing The Curriculum Cymreig, I will present a summary of key historical factors in the development of public education in Wales. I will then discuss the colonization of Wales and the presence of English imperialism in Welsh education. Finally, I will briefly discuss the establishment of the National Assembly for Wales and the events stemming from devolution that lead to the creation of the Curriculum Cymreig. In closing, I discuss the four practices associated with an approach to education that is multicultural and social reconstruction developed by Sleeter and Grant (2003) as a way of excavating opportunities in which the Curriculum Cymreig can be unmoored from the foundations of bureaucratic, technical change and elevated into a realm of meaningful and transformative possibility.

A Brief History of Education in Wales
What follows is a brief, and admittedly, incomplete description of the history of education in Wales. In this summary, I address key historical periods, and individuals working in these eras, that contributed to the development of a system of public education in Wales and the eventual creation of the Curriculum Cymreig. These individuals valued the cultural distinctiveness of Welsh culture and possessed the need to develop an educational presence that would ultimately open the doors to devolution and the localized governance of education in Wales. Finally, I draw attention to the fact that this desire to include Welsh culture as a distinctive element in the education of the Welsh people was in direct response to elements of English imperialism that were transmitted through centuries of colonization of Wales by England, with the perfect instrument of empire being made manifest in the forms of Anglican philanthropy and English educational policy. This description of education in Wales begins in the 16th & 17th centuries. At this point in Wales, Latin existed as the language of the church (Jones & Roderick, 2003), and as a result, Welsh parishioners would essentially attend services fully conducted in a foreign tongue. At this point participation in religious rites relied entirely on recognition of a few choice words and graphic representations of the gospel. Welsh worshippers and clergy alike soon came to the understanding that reading the scriptures in their own tongue was the only way to real salvation (Jones & Roderick, 2003). In response to this desire for the saving of Welsh souls, Bishop William Morgan arranged for the translation of the Bible into Welsh in 1588. Not only would this event have significant effects on the literacy of the populace of Wales, but it would also serve as the first of many episodes of that would contribute to the establishment of a system of public education in Wales Williams & Hughes, 1978).

In 1650 The Act for the Better Preaching and Propagation of the Gospel in Wales contributed to a larger perspective on the education and spiritual needs of the Welsh. This Puritan led initiative established 60 grammar schools throughout Wales and served as the impetus for other important philanthropic efforts which were primarily concerned with the eternal salvation of the Welsh (Gittings, 1954). Although well-intentioned, these missionary efforts were similar to the colonial conditions of Christian missionaries in the colonized countries of Africa, and while the Welsh had been practicing Christianity since the time of the Romans, these endeavors were constructed on ideas born from the urban areas of England and translated poorly into the rural reality of the Welsh. For the Welsh, both the language and experience of formal education were a foreign concept that alienated them to a degree from the concepts they were intending to learn. (Williams & Hughes, 1978). If the formal education of the Welsh was to succeed, it seemed that it must be a movement born within Wales that radiated outward from the people and not a prescribed method of English assimilation. However, further English participation in the spiritual and educational development of the Welsh continued to come in the form of English philanthropy through the creation of the Welsh Trust in 1674 by Thomas Gouge, an English Puritan minister, and the creation of the Society for the Promotion of Christian Knowledge (SPCK) in 1699 (Jones, 1986). As a result of the efforts of the Welsh Trust and SPCK, hundreds of circulating schools and Sunday schools were established in churches, barns, and other locales throughout the rural areas of Wales. However, in light of this growing desire for education among the Welsh, the reality of the abject poverty and deplorable conditions in which students were to learn in Wales undermined the efficacy of this educational movement.

In the latter part of the 18th century, Charles Thomas, a Welshman from Carmarthen who played an integral part in managing and financing the troubled circulating schools in Wales wrote, “‘Pwy a gyfyd Gymru, canys bechau yw?’ By whom shall Wales be raised, for she is small?” (Gittings, p.31, 1954). This question addressed the significance of the Welsh to apply the experiences of the Israelites (whom they could now study in their own tongue) to their own circumstances as a people in Wales. This not only represented the curricular orientation Thomas adopted for the circulating schools in Wales, but also alluded to his educational aspirations mentioned in the following passage of building an educated and spiritually edified Wales; ‘Canus nid oes i ni yma ddinas barhaus, eithr un i ddyfod yr ŷm yn ei ddisgwl’: For we have not here an abiding city, but we hope for one to come” (Gittings, p.54, 1954). The hope for “an abiding” Wales came for many in the form of the industrial revolution and rise of nonconformity in the 19th century. In many parts of Wales, the economic influx developed by coal and steel eventually translated into educational attainment and some semblance of financial stability and social mobility. However, in the latter part of the century, the population of cities such as Merthyr Tydfil would more than double in size, leading to poverty, disease, and political unrest. In these times, only 70 per cent of children ages 8 through 12 attended school, while many children (some as young as seven years of age) were sent to work (Jones & Roderick, 2003). With the majority of education still existing as a voluntary endeavor, the nonconformists viewed the increasing funding from the English government as a method of developing greater state control and influence of the established Anglican Church over education. Nonconformity was rapidly evolving as not only a religious movement, but also a political movement that promoted Welsh culture and independence. Moreover, many nonconformists believed in the transformational power of education as the vehicle for political and cultural viability for Wales in the 19th century (Gittings, 1954). Amidst the economic ramifications of the industrial era and the political strains caused by the struggles between English influence and Welsh nonconformity came Hugh Owens, a nonconformist preacher who possessed not only a commitment to the notion of Welsh respectability through education, but also the political acuity to challenge what he determined to be the advancing influence of the Anglican church in Wales (Gittings, 1954).

In 1847, a series of reports were compiled by the English government to ascertain the quality of education in schools in Wales. The Reports of the Commissioners of Inquiry Into The State of Education in Wales, or what the Welsh referred to as Brad y Llyfrau Gleision (the treachery of the blue books, a reference to the blue covers of the reports), contained accurate depictions of the deplorable state of education throughout the majority of Wales, as well as truthful descriptions of the desire for many Welsh students to learn. For example, J.C. Symons, one of three authors of the report wrote:

“I can speak in very strong terms of the natural ability and capacity for instructions of the Welsh people. Though they are ignorant, no people more richly deserve to be educated. In the first place, they desire it to the full extent of their power to appreciate it; in the next, their natural capacity is of a high order, especially in the Welsh districts.” (Lingen, Symons, & Johnson, p.57, 1847)

However, the most important contents of the “blue books” were the significant anti-Welsh sentiments demonstrated by each of the authors. In the reports, the moral and cultural qualities of the Welsh were under constant attack. Symons, who wrote so positively of the Welsh people’s educability, would also write state that

“…there are few countries where the standard of minor morals is lower… Petty thefts, lying, cozening, every species of chicanery, drunkenness . . . and idleness prevail. . . among the least educated part of the community, who scarcely regard them in the light of sins.” (Lingen, Symons, & Johnson, p.57 1847)

The other commissioners were equally insulting. The intent of the report was to serve as an instrument that would provide justification for the restructuring of education in Wales and the replacement of nonconformity with Anglican dogma and increased English control. Thus, although the report did reveal the inadequacies of Welsh education, it was more of a method to perpetuate the colonization of Wales and an effort to establish the cultural assimilation of the Welsh into British (English) society. The authors of the “blue books” not only attacked the conditions of education in Wales, but they also relied heavily on existing constructions of the Welsh that were established through generations of English imperialism. In response, Hugh Owens orchestrated protests and other forms of public outcry against the moral judgments of the commissioners, while at the same time, using their findings on the state of education to further his own agenda of creating a respectable and modern Wales. This is the first instance in Welsh education where explicit measures were taken to challenge the imperialism not only manifest in the educational experiences of the Welsh, but also in mounting populist resistance to the colonized notion of the “other.” In later years, other notable figures like Owen Edwards, who rose to hold the office of the Chief Inspector of Education for Wales, would follow in the path of Owens’ activism and would create long-lasting advances in the struggle for a self-governed system of education in Wales.

Welsh Assembly Government and The Curriculum Cymreig
On the 31st of July, 1998, the Government of Wales Act was passed which in turn, brought into existence a devolved legislative body of government called the National Assembly for Wales. Apart from the significance of the political and cultural ramifications of this event, and in considering the long and sometimes difficult history that has developed between England and Wales, the institution of the National Assembly for Wales also had a profound affect on education in this seemingly placid principality. It was from this point forward that Wales, as a devolving, self-governing nation-state, would eventually develop its own educational philosophy in determining the goals and methods that the government would employ in meeting the needs of its citizenry. Most importantly, for the first time since the Acts of Union in 1536-1542, these goals and aims would bear a meaningful and distinct differentiation from those of England as they would seek to meet the social, cultural, and economic needs of Welsh society. In the years following the inception of the National Assembly, further development of the government body in Wales occurred, with the most recent and influential change occurring in 2006 with the Government of Wales Act 2006. In this act, a legal distinction between the National Assembly for Wales and the Welsh Assembly Government was designated. This arrangement, similar to that of the UK government offices and Parliament in Westminster, created a formal, legal separation between (1) the National Assembly for Wales, which is the legislature comprising the 60 Assembly members, and the Welsh Assembly Government, the executive, which comprises the First Minister, Welsh Ministers, Deputy Welsh Ministers and the Counsel General., and (2) the Welsh Assembly Government, the executive, which comprises the First Minister, Welsh Ministers, Deputy Welsh Ministers and the Counsel General. (Government of Wales Act 2006, 2006)

Thus, the Welsh Assembly Government now makes decisions, develops and implements policy, and exercises executive functions regarding the social needs and expectations of the citizenry of Wales and, in turn, the National Assembly for Wales serves to “scrutinise the Assembly Government’s decisions and policies; hold Ministers to account; approve budgets for the Welsh Assembly Government’s programmes; and have the power to enact Assembly Measures on certain matters” (Government of Wales Act 2006, 2006). Such an arrangement has never been had in Wales, even when Wales’ native princes ruled over their respective kingdoms in days long-passed. In educational terms, the ability for the Welsh people to be represented through a legislative body empowers a once near-powerless population to devise the educational means and pursuits which best serve their interests. As illustrated above, the history of education in Wales is a story of struggle framed in a web of pressures stemming from religious, political, cultural, and economic pressures. These challenges existed in the form of inadequate materials, deplorable facilities, and poorly trained teachers, who although had a desire to teach, simply were not provided with adequate instruction commensurate to their needs or the needs of their students. The remnants of this historical reality still, to a degree, mitigate the educational success of students in Wales (Sharkey, 2008). Over the years, educational leaders in Wales have acknowledged this fact, and as Wales has struggled to develop a national identity, on its own terms, in the European Union (and even in the UK), these leaders have attempted to make a positive impact on the efficacy of education in Wales at large, as well as contributing to the richness of the individual experience of the student. From a perspective of cultural identity, the most significant of these educational movements was the development of the Curriculum Cymreig.

In the late 1980s and early 1990s, educational activists and policy makers in Wales developed and implemented a curricular initiative that would have a lasting impact on the nature of education in Wales. This fundamental shift in the creation and implementation of a new and distinct curriculum argued for a larger representation of Welsh culture in schools in Wales. The steps taken to make official what was already happening to a lesser degree in certain schools were founded on Edwards’ Welsh-centered position of what education, and in particular, a curriculum of a school in Wales should be. The creation of the Curriculum Council for Wales in 1989 and the resulting publication of A Framework for the Whole Curriculum 5-16 in Wales, established a national curriculum for Wales that set the stage for the introduction of the Curriculum Cymreig. In 1993, the Curriculum Council for Wales Advisory produced a document entitled Developing a Curriculum Cymreig, in which the rationale for this distinctive curriculum and its general characteristics were defined. The guidance suggested the following:

“The whole curriculum in Wales encompasses and reflects in its content or exemplification, both the English and Welsh language cultures in the country, and the whole range of historical, social and environmental influences that have shaped contemporary Wales.” (Developing a Curriculum Cymreig, 1993)

The question of a single curriculum for all schools was a relatively new concept which relegated the freedom of teachers to control their curriculum to a “phenomenon of the 1960s and 70s” (Jones & Lewis, p. 22, 1994). More changes would occur in this new era of Welsh education. Eventually, the Curriculum Council for Wales would become the ACCAC, and in time, the Curriculum Cymreig was redefined and refined to operate within the overall contemporary pedagogical orientation of the educational policies and institutions in Wales. As part of this orientation, the ACCAC identified five dimensions (cultural, economic, environmental, historical and linguistic dimensions) in which the Curriculum Cymreig satisfies its designation as a Common Requirement in the national curriculum (Common Requirements, 2003). However, while the Curriculum Cymreig is well-positioned within the national curriculum for Wales, tensions emanating from what could be regarded as an identity reclamation approach to education on one hand, and an approach to education that embraces diversity and promotes pluralism and democracy on the other, still exist. The ACCAC positions the Curriculum Cymreig as

“…deliberately inclusive and aims to reflect the plurality and diversity of Wales in the twenty-first century. Its requirements will help pupils to understand what is distinctive about life in Wales, to celebrate diversity and to acquire a real sense of belonging.” (Developing A Curriculum Cymreig, p. 4, 2003)

This statement wrestles with the roots of a “true Welsh” identity, such as the romanticized notion of the Gwerin (meaning the common folk) who still exist as the iconic Welsh farmer or poet. (Jones & Roderick, 2003). Additionally, the ACCAC seemingly embraces a type of cosmopolitan multiculturalism (Bhabha, 1994) in recognizing the hybrid and contested notions of culture and identity.

“Because Welsh society is very diverse, there can be no single view of what it is to be Welsh. People’s perceptions vary, often coloured by the way of life in their own particular region of Wales, its linguistic, cultural and economic background. Yet all the pupils in our schools share the common experience of living and learning in Wales. They are entitled to have this experience reflected in the school curriculum. Whatever the language of instruction all the five aspects of the Curriculum Cymreig need to be fully developed in all schools.” (Developing A Curriculum Cymreig, p.7, 2003)

Conflict regarding nationhood and identity, what knowledge is worth knowing and who has access to it, is embedded within the history of Welsh education and illustrates the effects of colonization and the influence of English imperialism. As the inclusion of a Welsh dimension is the distinctive characteristic of the Curriculum Cymreig, and the emergence of a devolved government from English rule is a distinctive feature of Wales, it is necessary to understand the relationship between English imperialism and Welsh education and how this history has contributed to the development of the Curriculum Cymreig.

English Imperialism & Education in Wales
In discussing the history of education in Wales, the “Blue Books of 1847” serve as a prime example of the imperial influences that not only framed the Welsh as a marginalized people in Great Britain, but also served as a touchstone in the development of a Welsh-centric curriculum in the late 20th century. Although most readily identified with its influence during the eighteenth and nineteenth century, English imperialism enjoys a much larger history as it began to materialize as a system of rule and an attitude of domination by the early twelfth century. In support of this claim, Gillingham (p. 394, 1992) states that through the adoption of continental practices, the Englishman “shared the civilized values of western Europe…and though the twelfth century Englishman ‘failed’ to feel a ‘healthy contempt’ for continentals, he undoubtedly felt distinctly superior to his fellow-islanders, the Celts.” Freire underscores this point by stating:

“Cultural invasion…, always involves a parochial view of reality, a static perception of the world, and the imposition of one world view upon another. It implies the "superiority" of the invader and the "inferiority" of those who are invaded, as well as the imposition of values by the former, who possess the latter and are afraid of losing them.” (Freire, p.160, 2006)

However, feelings of superiority do not fully account for the presence of imperialism. Although systems of economy and class bolster the position of colonizer, educational policy and the systems through which these policies are enacted serve as the greatest tool in replicating and elevating the discourse of the colonizer from an imposed doctrine into a seemingly natural and acceptable law of superiority and privilege. For instance, in reference to the Wales, Roberts (1998) illustrates how education was implemented as not only a means of instruction, but also as a method of control. According to Roberts, William Williams, who instigated the Reports Of The Commissioners Of Enquiry Into The State Of Education In Wales, argued that “…education was a cheaper and easier way of creating an obedient population than the use of force.” Williams further argues that, “the moral power of the schoolmaster was a more economical and effectual instrument in governing this people than the bayonet.” (Roberts, p. 24, 1998). As mentioned previously, the language of the “Blue Books of 1847” relied heavily on established notions of Welshness. These attacks are not singular to the Welsh experience as African-American and Latino students were subject to similar circumstances in the educational experiences in the United States. The Welsh and African-Americans share more similarities which highlight the effectiveness of education as a tool of empire made manifest in the deplorable conditions of which they were to be educated in the early era of public education in their respective countries. In addition, they were also categorized through discourses that defined both cultures as uncivilized, immoral, and inferior and then objectified as such through the institutions of empire. Again, Gillingham (pp.397-399, 1992) provides examples from as early as the 12th century in which English authors describe the Welsh as “rude and untamed barbarians,” and “bestial” people who “live like beasts.” In addition, the Welsh are characterized as immoral and “do not blush to indulge in incest.” (Ibid.) These notions of Welshness were further reinforced hundreds of years later in the “Blue Books of 1847” when the judgments of Commissioners Lingen, Symons, and Vaughan-Johnson determined such factors as the “uncontrolled sexuality” of Welsh women to be the primary indicators of Welsh immorality (Kreider, p. 29, 2002). In the US, similar language and concepts were applied to African Americans. Produced as essential concepts of “Blackness,” African slaves were identified as "ignorant, crafty, treacherous, thievish, and mistrustful" (Yarbrough and Bennet, p. 634, 2000). In the 18th century, reactions of White men to African women as "fiery and warm, and so much hotter than the men,” as well as descriptions of them as "hot constitution'd Ladies who are continually contriving stratagems how to gain a lover" (Pilgrim, http://www.ferris.
edu/jimcrow/jezebel/, 2002), help to illustrate that these representations of “otherness” are not tied to just one marginalized culture or the other. Rather, they illustrate a common experience between both cultures and their relationship with Eurocentric imperialism. As these cultures existed within but somewhat independently of a dominant culture, the prevailing discrimination enacted against them allowed the state to operate institutionally racialized nationalized policies that allowed the educational opportunities of African American and Welsh cultures to remain deficient. However, when political unrest and upheaval threatened the safety and position of the status-quo, the hegemonic states were compelled to “evaluate and improve” the educational systems of these oppressed groups.

In the US, the initial activities associated with the Civil Rights movement voiced the concerns of African Americans and their desire for equitable educational opportunities and, eventually, steps towards the desegregation of American schools were taken. The benefits to all students attending desegregated schools are now easily identified. However, African American students are still at a great disadvantage as the cultural assaults on their heritage and history as a people have been institutionalized in the form of predominately Eurocentric curricula. In general, African Americans have been taught to accept a history “that has little to do with them, aside from methods of colonization and oppression” (Peretti and Wilson, p. 172, 1995). Again, the Welsh educational and cultural experiences are incredibly similar to that of African Americans. Political unrest, exhibited in instances such as the Merthyr Rising in 1831 and the Rebecca Riots between 1839 and 1843, compelled the English Government to focus its attention on Wales. Thus an attempt to identify the impetus for such dissimilation into “British” society took form in the commission of an inquiry which would evaluate the educational systems in Wales. Much like the inadequately designed, poorly implemented, and racially-charged desegregation policies of the US, the Reports Of The Commissioners Of Enquiry Into The State Of Education In Wales denied the recognition of culture, heritage, and proactively-defined identity as a necessary aspect of personal, civic, and cultural development. This position is further reinforced by Kreider (p. 31, 2002), who identifies William Williams’ assertion that without the “fostering hand of Government,” the Welsh will “inevitably continue as… the most degraded and benighted of Her Majesty’s subjects.” Over the years, as a system of public education in Wales was developed, a nationalized curriculum decidedly based on English history and identity displaced historically and culturally aware curricula in Wales, with the possible result being the continued marginalization and “othering” of the Welsh.

“…the psychological analyses of the colonial situation by Fanon, Memmi, and others is useful in understanding the Welsh experience, where the Welsh sense of inferiority described by Thomas and Williams is instilled (in part) by the internalization of negative English/British perceptions and constructions of Welsh, as well as by a version of history which shows Welsh defeat as an inevitable phase in the progressive march of civilization.” (Bohata, p. 24, 2004)

Throughout the history of Welsh education, the presence of English imperialism is readily apparent as the systems of public education are infiltrated by state-endorsed curricula and policies which alienate marginalized cultures and histories and render them subordinate to the correctness of the dominant, imperialist definition of culture, citizenship, and worth. An example of these policies is the “Welsh Not.” Throughout the latter part of the 19th century, many schools in Wales enforced an “English only” approach to education. Students who spoke Welsh were punished and forced to wear wooden placards around their necks engraved with slogans such as “Welsh Not” or simply “WN.” Moreover, students were encouraged to seek out Welsh speaking classmates and bring them to the attention of the teacher or headmaster (Lingen, Symons, & Johnson, 1847, Jenkins, 2006). Deplorable conditions for learning, poorly funded schools, inadequately trained teachers and curricula and policies which situated the Welsh as ignorant, inferior, and as the “other” contributed to a perfect storm of colonization by the English and a transformation of the existential reality of the Welsh. Freire deftly summarized these effects as Prescription, meaning “the imposition of one individual’s choice upon another, transforming the consciousness of the person prescribed into one that conforms with the prescriber’s consciousness” (Freire, p. 47, 2006). With Freire’s concept of prescription, the effects of English imperialism in Welsh education are well-understood, and even when applied to the creation of a national curriculum with the Education Reform Act of 1988 the militant aspect of empirically-designed curricula becomes evident. Standardized, state-endorsed curricula, such as those introduced in the Thatcher administration in the UK and Bush administration in the US, are not suggestions to subsidize locally-developed teaching practices; they do not exist as agreements achieved through consensus or mutual design. Rather, they are disseminated to schools in the form of federally imposed mandates which are reinforced by politically-charged factors including poorly-veiled threats of the loss of curricular, administrative, and financial autonomy.

The Four Practices of Education that is Multicultural and Social Reconstructionist
So far, in my approach to Developing The Curriculum Cymreig, I have described an “education that is multicultural and social reconstructionist” as an approach to curriculum development and understanding that is situated within the field of social reconstructionism and critical pedagogy. In addition, I have placed the Curriculum Cymreig within a historical and political context that demonstrates the tensions and complexity associated with the development of a system of public education in Wales. Finally, I described the overall goals and aims of the Curriculum Cymreig. In what follows, I will discuss how utilizing the recommended practices of an “education that is multicultural and social reconstructionist” can reveal areas within the implementation of the Curriculum Cymreig that not only speak to the aims and goals of the curriculum and places schools in Wales as the sites for conscientization and praxis, but which also provide opportunities for students in Wales to further develop their political literacy and a desire to combat the forms of oppression which exist in Welsh society.

Practicing Democracy
Sleeter and Grant (2003) suggest that most schools in the US do not actively encourage democracy as part of the education of their students. They argue that lived practices of American society are in conflict with the ideals contained in the documents which frame the political and ideological characteristics of the US, and that the concentration of power in schools favors teachers so greatly that it largely disenfranchises students from actively engaging in their own education. Furthermore, they point out that investigations of democracy are usually observational in nature and end in merely reading the constitution and learning of the three branches of government. In Developing The Curriculum Cymreig, references to democracy are presented in an anemic language which fails to communicate the urgency of having students fully-interact with democratic practices. In the section titled, “Where can the Curriculum Cymreig be promoted in the school curriculum?” a passage describing the Personal and Social Education Framework (PSE) states that PSE “offers many opportunities that can help pupils to understand the nature of communities in Wales and beyond, and to be active, informed, responsible citizens of Wales and the wider world” (Developing The Curriculum Cymreig, p. 11, 2003). This section then identifies how democracy is addressed through certain Key Stages in Welsh schools. The system of education in the UK utilizes six Key Stages (Key Stages 0 – 5) in determining what students should learn in school and at what ages they should learn it. The advice regarding democracy for these Key Stages is summarized below:

Key Stage Guidance
* KS1 (ages 5-7) “Emphasise the need for knowledge and understanding of the local
* KS2 (ages 7-11) Includes “the democratic decision-making process”
* KS3/KS4 (ages 11-14 )/(ages 14-16) Includes “practical involvement in the community, specific knowledge about democratic systems and the development of a sense of personal responsibility towards the environment and to sustainable development.”

This is the only mention of democracy in the document, and the language used in discussing the curricular objectives is the same tired, idiomatic phrasing that corrals teachers and students into existing ways of thinking without encouraging them to develop new ways of exploring concepts like democracy. While the ACCAC shouldn’t dictate specific ways that educators teach about democracy, it should be explicit in stating the importance of practicing (not simply reading about) democratic processes in schools. Wales is a country which is still grappling with the political and economic effects of colonialism, with the lowest mean-average household income, the second-lowest life expectancy rate, and the largest number of citizens receiving state-assistance in the UK (http://www.statswales.wales.gov.uk, 2008). Furthermore, although democratically elected representatives exist in both the National Assembly for Wales and English Parliament, it is still a country with “two masters” – a devolving localized government with limited powers, and a well-established governmental influence outside the limits of its own borders. The further development of a localized government – which possesses a real potential for an independent Wales – is a vibrant political atmosphere which provides opportunities for purposeful and meaningful political engagement and interaction for students in Wales. Given the historical implications of the colonization of Wales and the remnants of English imperialism that have stubbornly survived the generations of public education in Wales, the development of students who are not simply aware of, but are active in, the democratic practices which shape their future in Wales is a critical component in not only preserving democracy, but also in resisting further encroachments upon the distinctiveness of Welsh culture and identity. The potential in this political environment should then encourage curriculum developers to embrace a more-powerful language and approach for students to learn about and experience democratic principles in schools; this requires a transformation of the curriculum. Banks underscored this importance with the following passage, “They must also develop a sense of political efficacy, and be given practice in social action strategies which teaches them how to get power without violence and further exclusion…” (Banks, p.149, 1981) It is through the successful teaching of social action strategies that transformative change in society can take place.

Analyzing the Circumstances of One’s Own Life
In order for an education to be “multicultural and social reconstructionist,” students must possess and mobilize what Anyon (1981) describes as practical and theoretical consciousnesses. Sleeter & Grant (2003) refer to Anyon’s work in investigating the tensions students experience at school between theoretical consciousness, which is comprised of the communication of dominant ideologies that purport fairness, equal opportunity, and justice, and practical consciousness which “refers to one’s commonsense understanding of one’s own life.” Sleeter and Grant further state that, “Advocates of education that is multicultural and social reconstructionist recommend that schooling help students analyze their own lives in order to develop their practical consciousness about real injustices in society and to develop constructive responses” (Sleeter & Grant, p.202, 2003). This concept relates directly to Freire’s concept of conscientization, where students learn to “perceive social, political, and economic contradictions, and to take action against the oppressive elements of reality” (Freire, p.67, 1985). Thus, Freire asserts the goal of conscientization is “…to provoke recognition of the world, not as a "given" world, but as a world dynamically "in the making.” Developing The Curriculum Cymreig contains many instances in which students are to draw upon their own experiences in order to meet various curricular objectives. However, these instances of student reflection are framed more within a discourse of promoting learning outcomes associated with specific curricular standards than with that of a larger transformative agenda. Freire contends that “There can be no conscientization without denunciation of unjust structures…” (Freire, p. 85, 1985). He states further that

“…since, as we have seen, men's [sic] consciousness is conditioned by reality, conscientization is first of all the effort to enlighten men about the obstacles preventing them from a clear perception of reality. In this role, conscientization effects the ejection of cultural myths that confuse the people's awareness and make them ambiguous beings.” (Freire, p.89, 1985)

Although the inclusion of students’ experiences in the classroom is presented as an important aspect of the Curriculum Cymreig, the examples for students in Key Stage 2 in the case studies provided in Developing The Curriculum Cymreig do not possess a critical element that can be understood as contributing to a student’s conscientization. While this is an excellent opportunity for students in Wales to develop a critical understanding of the social, political, historical and economic factors which converge in the creation of folk stories and mythologies, the example did not provide any explicit reference to this as a goal or learning outcome. Rather, they describe students developing stories that simply include references to Welsh names, locations, and personal connections to Wales. The students then share these stories with the class. Other examples include drawing comparisons between students’ lives in Wales and that of students in other countries. This is an example of students negotiating the tension between their theoretical and practical consciousness and is provided in a case study involving a geography lesson at Key Stage 3. In this case study the teacher discusses the notion of Welshness and how it is represented and understood by students:

“It works differently each year depending on the cultural background of individual members of the class, but the important thing is for pupils to begin to challenge their own thinking and that of their fellow pupils. They begin to realise that some images presented are stereotypes.” (Developing The Curriculum Cymreig, p.38, 2003)

Both examples above utilize Welsh mythology from the Mabinogion, a collection of ancient Welsh myths, but only the Key Stage 3 example provides the possibility of a critical investigation of these myths, such as opportunities to investigate how these stories have shaped, or continue to shape, the ways in which Welshness is understood or has been constructed in British society, is not represented. In younger ages, an approach to education that is multicultural and social reconstructionist requires an adept approach which gives young students appropriate opportunities to reflect upon their own circumstances, such as allowing them to penetrate the myths surrounding nationality and identity and to investigate these topics in ways that erupt from the inconsistencies and contradictions that are evident in their own reality. As such, they may be able to reconcile these inconsistencies, resist a prescribed “normalized assumption” of the status quo, and come to terms with their own sense of how they as individuals interact with these tensions. Although this is a positive example of challenging the assumptions of what it “means to be Welsh,” the question remains, does the Curriculum Cymreig possess a robust, theoretical disposition that provides a directive for teachers in helping students challenge normalized assumptions? Does the guidance for the Curriculum Cymreig encourage a significant practice of understanding how these assumed ways of knowing are produced, reproduced, and distributed, as well as meaningful ways in which the destructive effects of these ideologies in our society can be eliminated? Although examples of drawing upon student experiences are present in Key Stages 2 and 3, there is no mention of it in case studies for Key Stage 4, and of the examples given, there is no explicit reference to a “…critical self insertion into reality” which Freire describes as a student’s conscientization (Freire, p.59, 1985). Addressing student empowerment and critical acuity are difficult concepts to address in the earlier Key Stages, but in Key Stage 4, students may be better prepared to develop these skills. In these adolescent years, students can begin to understand more directly the intimacies of oppression and marginalization. Unfortunately, the ACCAC document does not include guidance for teachers on how to encourage this type of self-reflection and action as an officially endorsed component of the curriculum. In addition to an incomplete representation of personal reflection and analysis, the act of questioning curricular materials is missing entirely from Developing The Curriculum Cymreig. The Curriculum Cymreig should not be a means of simply including references to Welsh culture into the mainstream curriculum. It should involve the questioning, critiquing, and interrogation of curriculum materials that are purported to have relevance to students’ lives; a process which leads to a student’s political literacy (Freire, 2006).

Developing Social Action Skills
In discussing social action, Sleeter and Grant point to Bennett (1986) who defines social action as, “The knowledge, attitudes, and skills needed to help bring about political, social, and economic changes” (p.212). Bennett continues in underscoring that a genuine embrace of multicultural education means a willingness to address the political and social exclusion of marginalized groups (Bennett, 1986). The significance of these statements takes two immediate forms: (1) Although students are not expected to transform the inequalities of society, they can practice democratic principals within their own social spheres, as well as being prepared to live as socially active and empowered citizens. (2) Schools are institutions in which values and ideologies are reproduced and distributed, and as such, educators and students must develop the skills and strategies necessary to eliminate the misleading claim to neutrality and understand the forces at work in educational institutions. To this point, Apple (2004) writes:

“Neutrality is impossible because the knowledge disseminated in schools comes from a much larger universe of knowledge and principles. It is a form of cultural capital that comes from somewhere, that often reflects the perspectives and beliefs of powerful segments of our social collectivity. In its very production and dissemination as a public and economic commodity – as books, films, materials, and so forth – it is repeatedly filtered through ideological and economic commitments.” (p. 8)

As such, we can not afford to allow our students to unblinkingly accept the claims conveyed through curriculum materials distributed to students without our willingness to accept, and be responsible for, the perpetuation of the injustices and inequalities already existing in our society. As Freire has made famous through his definition of the ‘Banking Model of Education,’ educators must with “humility” and “a patient-impatience” (Freire, 2005) accept a “student-teacher/teacher-student” (Freire, 2006) relationship in the classroom and work with students in critiquing these materials and claims and devising ways in which these oppressive elements can be successfully challenged. Freire underscores this point in stating:

“To think of education independent from the power that constitutes it, divorced from the concrete world where it is forged, leads us either to reducing it to a world of abstract values and ideals (which the pedagogue constructs inside his consciousness without even understanding the conditioning that makes him think this way), or to converting it to a repertoire of behavioral techniques, or to perceiving it as a springboard for changing reality.” (Freire, p.170, 1985)

Explicit references to social action are not found in Developing The Curriculum Cymreig, and the silence seems to indicate that either the task is left to the individual teachers who aspire to address social action in their classes, or that the notion of social action as a whole is not a meaningful consideration of the ACCAC. In either case, this absence of transformative leadership only contributes to the difficulties teachers and students face in taking concepts existing only as theoretical, classroom constructs forward into living practice.

Coalescing
Simply put, coalescing involves creating ties and alliances between varying groups and organizations, and it is a distinctive component of an education that is “multicultural and social reconstructionist” (Sleeter & Grant, p.154, 2003). The rationale for coalescing is reinforced by the acknowledgment that issues such as race, class, and gender are not discrete; instead they coexist and intersect in the lives of individuals throughout all societies (Mohanty, 2004). In establishing these issues as separate social projects, oppressive groups limit the power of the individuals they oppress and weaken their ability to mount that oppression. Coalescing then seeks to provide a network of resources which can serve to bolster the strength of these groups in their particular struggles. Coalescing presents a challenge because struggles against oppression are already difficult, and when incorporating the views, needs, and agendas of varying groups into a unified body, inner struggles for control and representation can sometimes lead to a disempowering effect. While not specifically addressing issues of oppression or inequality, Developing The Curriculum Cymreig does refer to situations in which schools and organizations create relationships that provide greater access to resources which assist in delivering educational content which aligns with the goals of the Curriculum Cymreig. Examples are provided in which schools work with organizations such as Academi (the Welsh National Literature Promotion Agency and Society for Authors), the Engineering Education Scheme-Wales, and local businesses, governments, and religious groups in creating a variety of learning opportunities for students that possess a distinctive Welsh component. While the majority of these connections are with established groups that are not characterized as marginalized or at risk of exclusion, they are examples of ways in which schools and community organizations can work together in meeting the needs of their constituencies. In addition to these connections between these groups, the ACCAC document also highlights interactions between Christian and Islamic religious groups in religious education lessons in Key Stage 2. While this interaction does not necessarily speak to the alliances mentioned above, it does speak to another important aspect of coalescing. This aspect of coalescing involves “using the school as a base for local social action projects that draw together diverse groups to accomplish something for the community” (Sleeter & Grant, p.207, 2003). In the case study in which these interactions were mentioned, the religious leaders discussed the different ways in which they observe the tenets of their faith in an effort to help students understand the benefits of the diversity of faith in their community. By explicitly incorporating a multicultural and social reconstructionist ethos regarding activities such as this into the Curriculum Cymreig, the ACCAC can further assist in situating schools throughout Wales as significant sites of community-building and coalescing.

Conclusion
In its current iteration, Developing The Curriculum Cymreig is positioned within a global perspective and describes the Curriculum Cymreig as an overarching ethos which should be infused into the national curriculum for Wales (Developing A Curriculum Cymreig, 2003). Teachers are encouraged to incorporate aspects of Wales and Welshness into their courses, “To develop such a curriculum, schools should provide and use relevant resources that have a Welsh dimension” (Developing The Curriculum Cymreig, p.4, 2003). However, they should also place Wales and Welshness in a broader, multicultural scope:

“A Curriculum Cymreig helps pupils to understand and celebrate the distinctive quality of living and learning in Wales in the twenty-first century, to identify their own sense of Welshness and to feel a heightened sense of belonging to their local community and country. It also helps to foster in pupils an understanding of an outward-looking and international Wales, promoting global citizenship and concern for sustainable development.” (Developing the Curriculum Cymreig, p.4, 2003)

Walking the tight-rope between “promoting Welshness” and recognizing and embracing diversity is a difficult task, and arguably, an impossible task without the constant praxis of educators in Wales. As a Common Requirement in the National Curriculum for Wales, the Curriculum Cymreig is visionary in its goals, but the educational philosophy on which this vision is borne, and the methods in which this vision is employed, are undermined by a lack of critical consciousness that reveals and rejects technical change that produces no real, transformative effects. Given its history of struggle against numerous instances of colonization, and the debilitating effects of English imperialism, coupled with the emergence of the Welsh Assembly Government and ongoing devolved powers of self-government, Wales appears to be a nation ripe for the investigation of ways in which multicultural and social reconstructionist perspectives can illuminate instances of objectification in Welsh schools and society at large. Moreover, as the institution of government in Wales is in current transformation, perhaps now is also the time for schools to not only transform, but to also serve as the sites for transformation that compliment the powers of the emerging Welsh government and the inclusion and full-participation of its citizenry. Currently, the Curriculum Cymreig possesses the potential to achieve these goals. However, if the Curriculum Cymreig is to truly serve as a transformative element in Welsh society, then it must overcome the superficial, technical changes that often bog-down transformational initiatives in education and incorporate meaningful educational opportunities that position it as a particularly transformative curriculum for students, teachers, administrators and parents.

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Sharkey, M. (2008). Wales Falls Further Behind England in Exam Stakes. WalesOnline. Retrieved from http://www.walesonline.co.uk/news/wales-news/2008/11/06/wales-falling-further-behind-england-in-examination-stakes-government-figures-reveal-91466-22193824/:.

Sleeter, C. & Grant, C. (2003). Making Choices for Multicultural Education: Five Approaches to Race, Class, and Gender, 4th Ed. New York, NY: John Wiley &Sons, Inc.

Welsh Assembly Government. (2008). Welsh Index of Multiple Deprivation, 2008. Retrieved from http://www.statswales.wales.gov.uk/.

Whitehead, C. (1988), in Mangan, J. [Ed.] (1988) Benefits Bestowed? New York, NY: USA. Manchester University Press,

Williams, J. & Hughes, G. (Ed.). (1978). The History of Education in Wales, vol. 1. Swansea, Wales, UK: Christopher Davies Ltd.

Yarbrough, M. & Bennett, C. (2000). Cassandra and the "Sistahs": the Peculiar Treatment of African American Women in the Myth of Women as Liars. Journal of Gender, Race and Justice. pp.626-657.

Comprehensive Exams

2009-05-04T08:29:00.003-04:00

It has been forever and a day since I've posted last. Things have been busy, and I just haven't really felt like taking the time to write things down. However, I've got to try and do a better job at making journal entries because I really think they're going to help out in writing my dissertation. On that note, I passed my comprehensive exams, so that means I am officially a doctoral candidate in the Department of Educational Leadership at Miami University; I'm ABD (all but dissertation) - so it's all about the dissertation now.

I have one more class this summer, which is basically an online course that helps people write their method/methodology section of their dissertation (I think). All I know is that I would LOVE to write my dissertation this summer and be done with it all. However, that's a tall order. As of right now, I have a few things I need to take care of first.

(1) - Write the chapter for the book with Tom
(2) - Check on the chapter I wrote for the conference at Ohio Univ.
(3) - Write my research proposal (for the research that I've already conducted, lol)
(4) - Write my paper for the study I'm doing with Dennis & Jamal
(5) - A billion other little things.

Right now my office is a mess, and I can't work when it's a mess like this, for the first thing I better do is straighten things up a bit.

More new developments

2009-03-31T16:14:00.001-04:00

Well, in addition to taking my comprehensive exams this week, I get to deal with this:

Poison Ivy

New developments

2009-03-16T08:08:00.004-04:00

It's been a long time since I've posted anything on this blog. There are a few reasons for that. I write this blog primarily for my own benefit. I envisioned this as working as a type of "research journal" and a place where I can reflect and write about all that goes-on with being a PhD student. The other thing is that maybe, just maybe someone might read this and like it, or be inspired, angered, whatever... by it. Unfortunately, lately, I just haven't had the will to write anything. I sit down, start a post, and then delete it because there's nothing that is really compelling me to write in this blog right now. I think there are a couple of culprits at work here: (1) I'm swamped with stuff... teaching a class, reading for 4 classes, working on a presentation for April, working on a presentation for November, working on a chapter for a book, studying for comps, and of course... I have all these data for my dissertation "out there" waiting to be coded. Oh yeah, and I forgot, I'm starting the job hunting process now as well. Now, none of this is really "hard work," and it's not like each individual thing is really that "oppressive" - but that is a lot of things going on, and some of them are really stressful. So... when it comes to blogging, I just don't feel like writing much. In fact, my overall mood has been pretty pessimistic lately and that is starting to wear on me. There's a light at the end of the tunnel, but its obscured with clouds of stress and feelings of inadequacy - the bane of all grad students. It's something that everyone goes through, but I'm ready to be done with that whole "am I really good enough to write a dissertation?" crap.

Wordclouds

2009-02-19T08:08:00.007-05:00

Here are a few word clouds I created using "Wordle (http://www.wordle.net)." These are cool. The first is a word cloud created from this blog on today's date, and the second is a word cloud from the "Developing the Curriculum Cymreig" document produced by the Welsh Assembly Government.

Giroux on Critical Pedagogy

2009-02-13T09:28:00.003-05:00

Education that is Multicultural and Social Reconstructionist

2009-02-09T17:58:00.001-05:00

Information about my seminar for the MAASC (Mason African American Students for Change) lecture series is found below.

Starting Time: 6:00pm
Location: Mason High School, Mason OH (See directions below)

Directions: (from Miami Uni.)
1. Take Oxford Millville Rd/US-27 and Continue to follow US-27
2. Follow US-27 to Millville Ave/OH-129 Continue to follow OH-129
3. Take exit 25A to merge onto I-75 S toward Cincinnati
4. Take exit 22 toward Mason
5. Turn left at Tylersville Rd
6. Turn left at S Mason Montgomery Rd. The high school will be on the right

Here is a map: (Click for larger image)

Education as Liberation: Resisting the Remnants of Imperialism in Welsh and African American Education [A work in progress]

2009-02-05T11:47:00.001-05:00

This paper was presented at the 2007 CREW conference at the University of Swansea in Swansea, Wales. I also presented it at the 2007 AESA conference in Cleveland, OH.

The paper is still unfinished, and it's something that I very dearly want to complete, but I'm finding it difficult to "come back to it" (I never really left it). I've learned so much since starting this paper that it probably needs a re-write. I'm posting it now for different reasons:

(1) It represents a turning point in regard to my activity as a grad-student. It was my first "real" presentation at a conference.

(2) I felt (feel) this paper was "something special" and when I mention the theme, people seem interested in it, particularly Welsh academics.

(3)It needs attention, and I'm not giving it enough attention. Maybe by posting it here it will not be "hidden" by all the other projects going on right now.

One thing I was working towards was the need for a "culturally sensitive curriculum." However, Wales currently has the "Cwricwlwm Cymreig" which is a "culturally sensitive" curriculum. Now I think that a "sensitive" curriculum is not enough - a social reconstructionist curriculum is what is needed. What is the purpose of a "sensitive" curriculum that is embedded in an institution that continues to reproduce ideologies that marginalize and oppress? that is the "new" direction that I will be going with this paper.

Education as Liberation: Resisting the Remnants of Imperialism in Welsh and African American Education

When considering the varied peoples in the world, most rely heavily, if not solely upon the socially constructed definitions of race, nation, ethnicity, and class. Operating from within these deficient perspectives, those who subscribe, either knowingly or unwittingly, to the established discourses of certain dominant groups further perpetuate systems which result in increases in the marginalization, oppression, and establishment of “otherness” among disparate groups of people. In this complicated landscape, it is difficult to recognize the ties that bind groups of people together. Instead, many fix their gaze solely on those elements which seek to corral people into specific identities, behaviors, and other traits that are viewed as essential qualities of each respective group.

Thus, when considering African American and Celtic identities, it is difficult to shun the oppressive lens which highlights difference and falsely assumed essentialized ethnic characteristics, and instead identify and analyze the common qualities, experiences, and histories which these two groups share. While the effects of Eurocentric imperialism affect individuals on a very broad scale, investigations of education and how it relates to national policies originating from and influenced by an imperial discourse can serve to reveal how the prescription of a dominant, normative identity has been prescribed to African American and Welsh populations respectively. In addition, this prescription, which is comprised of social, cultural, and other influential cues, not only serves as a device to establish an all-inclusive national identity but also brings into conflict the externalized elements of empire and the personally-indigenous historical, cultural, and social elements of African American and Welsh students’ identities. The prescription of a single, state identity over multiple identities within that state is certainly not a scenario limited to the experiences of African American and Welsh populations and their interactions with English or even Anglo-European imperialism, but it does provide an excellent example of not only how this process has been defined, refined, and perpetuated throughout history, but also in how the seemingly unrelated histories and identities of African American and Welsh students experience and react to imperial influences in education.

Although most readily identified with its influence during the eighteenth and nineteenth century, English imperialism enjoys a much larger history as it began to materialize as a system of rule and an attitude of domination by the early twelfth century. In support of this claim, Gillingham (pg. 394, 1992) states that through the adoption of continental practices, the Englishman “shared the civilized values of western Europe…and though the twelfth century Englishman ‘failed’ to feel a ‘healthy contempt’ for continentals, he undoubtedly felt distinctly superior to his fellow-islanders, the Celts.”

Gillingham’s view stems from a variety of sources including the writings of William of Malmesbury, and also those of the clerical elite, such as John of Salsbury and Gerald of Wales. However, feelings of superiority do not fully account for the presence of imperialism. Instead, a discourse must be created, refined, and willfully reproduced before the presence of English imperialism can be made apparent. Once this discourse has been constructed, its status must be indoctrinated as truth and then perpetuated through the cultural landscape of both the dominant and subordinate populations. Although systems of economy and class bolster the position of this imperialistic discourse, educational policy and the systems through which these policies are enacted serve as the greatest tool in replicating and elevating the discourse of the colonizer from an imposed doctrine into a seemingly natural and acceptable law of superiority and privilege. For instance, in reference to the Wales, Roberts (1998) illustrates how education was implemented as not only a means of instruction, but also as a method of control. According to Roberts, William Williams, who instigated the Reports Of The Commissioners Of Enquiry Into The State Of Education In Wales, argued that “…education was a cheaper and easier way of creating an obedient population than the use of force.” Williams further argues that, “the moral power of the schoolmaster was a more economical and effectual instrument in governing this people than the bayonet.” (Roberts, Pg. 24, 1998). Thus the desire for control over the general populace is now shared by more than simply the military division of the state. Instead, imperialism evolves from a physical assault inhabiting geography and place to a cultural and political affront which seeks to displace and interpret one’s sense of self and position as a citizen. In this discussion, the use of the word imperialism, as opposed to colonialism, is used because imperialism denotes a level of militancy that colonialism does not. Imperialism infers design, purpose, and legitimacy that colonialism fails to convey. Colonialism tends to be positioned from a perspective of those who “settle the land” or “tame the wild country” and as a result, the interferences of state can be obscured or ignored. This added-dimension is crucial in understanding the relationship between educational policy makers and those who participate both as administrators and learners in public education.

There are many interpretations of what constitutes imperialism, most of which adopt a purely historical view. For instance, Whitehead (pg. 211, 1988) does well to define imperialism as, “the conscious and deliberate imposition of alien cultural values and beliefs on hapless indigenous peoples.” Still, even this definition is insufficient in consideration of the many iterations and forms of imperialism that have been perpetuated throughout the generations, as well as the experiences and accounts of non-indigenous populations, such as African Americans, who have been marginalized and oppressed by a hegemonic system which at its very source bears the markings of English imperialism. When such impositions occur on non-indigenous cultures, some such as Hirsch make the distinction of this practice as internal imperialism, and in doing so justify its existence as a regrettable but necessary component of assuming citizenship. Such claims that internal imperialism, particularly internal imperialism exercised through state endorsed education, is “practiced by all modern countries, and, for that matter, all smaller-scale ethnic, tribal, or family units.” (Hirsch, pg. 137, 1999) only demonstrate a willingness to accept the privileged bias of the status-quo and fail to recognize education an exercise in liberation or the living aspect of the concept of democracy. Instead, this dismal stance regarding public education only reinforces the all-too prominent view of schools as institutions of assimilation and skills-acquisition, reducing the cultivation of citizenry and personal development to on-the-job-training and supposed “sameness.” In the establishment of this “supposed sameness,” the transformation of cultural and ethnic plurality is made manifest. Thus, those who most-readily identify themselves with the status-quo enjoy an illusion of full-right and privilege in society while the hopes of civically-active communities and individual liberation among marginalized groups are replaced with daunting specters of Orwellian economic totalitarianism and oppidan despair.

Throughout the history of African American and Welsh education, the presence of an imperial discourse is readily apparent as the systems of public education are infiltrated by state-endorsed curricula and policies which alienate marginalized cultures and histories and render them subordinate to the correctness of the dominant, imperialist definition of culture, citizenship, and worth. Freire describes this as Prescription, meaning “the imposition of one individual’s choice upon another, transforming the consciousness of the person prescribed into one that conforms with the prescriber’s consciousness.” (Freire, pg. 47, 2006) With Freire’s concept of prescription, the militant aspect of empirically-designed curricula becomes evident. Standardized, state-endorsed curricula are not suggestions to subsidize locally-developed teaching practices; they do not exist as agreements achieved through consensus or mutual design. Rather, standardized curricula are disseminated to schools in the form of federally imposed mandates which are reinforced by politically-charged factors including poorly-veiled threats of the loss of curricular, administrative, and financial autonomy.

In his great work, Pedagogy of the Oppressed, Freire states that education must be experienced as a practice of freedom. Therefore, education is a prerequisite for liberty and a necessary function of a free society. In Pedagogy of the Oppressed Freire does not specifically define what is meant by liberation. However, he provides a framework for a general understanding of the term by including references to humanity, freedom, and emancipation. Thus, to create a brief but concise understanding of what is meant by liberation, the reader can conclude that the notion of liberty to which Freire refers involves the removal of the influences of external power centers and loci of control which limit expression, the acquisition of knowledge, and the ability to govern one’s self. In addition, and perhaps more importantly, it involves the education of the oppressed in regard to their world-view and methods of living and includes a shift from the dominant paradigm of oppression. Specifically, this education must include the element of praxis, or as Freire describes, “The action and reflection of men and women upon their world in order to transform it.” (Freire, p.60, 2006) Thus, those who were once oppressed and now engage in the exercise of liberation through praxis, can edify their own existence and understanding so as not to replicate the oppression they experienced onto others. In this paper, liberation and its relationship to education includes these components, as well as the importance of identity. However, identity is not presented in the terms of a nationalist movement or the establishment of a measure of “African American-ness” or “Welshness,” for example, but rather as the recognition of various identities as a necessary element in understanding the world and our place in it. This radicalized view of education as a means of liberation defies prescription and draws upon the work of Dewey who deeply valued the relationship between democracy and education. In Democracy and Education: An Introduction to the Philosophy of Education, Dewey writes the following passage:
“Since a democratic society repudiates the principle of external authority, it must find a substitute in voluntary disposition and interest; these can be created only by education. But there is a deeper explanation. A democracy is more than a form of government; it is primarily a mode of associated living, of conjoint communicative experience.” (Dewey, pg. 36, 1916)

In viewing education as an exercise in liberation, progressive education (in the Deweyian sense) among African Americans and the Welsh has been dislocated and devalued by the dominant hegemony in favor of curricula which seek to further the status-quo, ultimately resulting in the continuation of the marginalization of African American and Welsh populations and their designations as “others.” If education is truly a practice of freedom, then in its purest sense it must be a communal activity comprised of individuals who collectively renounce external mandates in favor of localized engagements that transform and transcend an alienated landscape and existence into a meaningful and liberating enterprise. In understanding education as necessity in maintaining (or achieving) liberation, schools must be realized as a function of the community, and as such, all willing members of the community should work with educators in incorporating the values and perspectives of their community into the educational philosophy of the school. (Eisner, 1994). Specifically, curricula must be constructed democratically with a pedagogical philosophy that is comprised of the varied voices of the community. However, such deliberations must be filtered by praxis, meaning that deliberators must seek to effect change in their educational institutions and avoid the ‘satisficing’ of the norms, expectations, and wants of the deliberative group. (McCutcheon, 1995) Through the inclusion of praxis, the synergy created through the constant and meaningful application of action and self-reflection by all willing members of the community can create an atmosphere in which concerns can be voiced, procedures and methods can be examined, and the accepted and almost believable infallibility of the state can be called into question and interrogated by those who have a fully-vested interest in the development of the institution of a truly liberating educational experience. Hopefully, from this joint endeavor, individual members of the community resist alienation through the incorporation of the collective cultural, historical, and social schema into their own praxis.
Alienation is an important concept in this regard as it is “the manifestation of a person’s loss of freedom.” (Salvio, pg. 64, 2004) In empowering students, Dewey develops meaningful educational processes as dynamic in nature; malleable and adaptable in form and function as the needs of the student are expressed. Freire further develops these processes through the incorporation of praxis. As students’ needs are addressed, alienation is resisted and authentic learning and praxis can take place. This pragmatic approach to public education is a far-cry from the institutionalized and standardized curricula imposed both historically and contemporarily through the imperialized educational policies of the United States and Great Britain.

As a whole, imperial, state-endorsed public education systems have at their very core been concerned with assimilation over civilization; acculturation rather than liberation. As demonstrated by educational policies consisting of the standardized test-based education system introduced by Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher in the UK, and the infamous A Nation at Risk report on education and the No Child Left Behind Act in the US, the institution of public education has been deemed as being directly related to the establishment of future economic stability and military domination rather than an exercise in establishing a democratically-minded and civically active populace. Take for example the following text from the National Commission on Excellence in Education – a precursor to the current No Child Left behind Act in the US:

“Our once unchallenged preeminence in commerce, industry, science, and technological innovation is being overtaken by competitors throughout the world. This report is concerned with only one of the many causes and dimensions of the problem, but it is the one that undergirds American prosperity, security, and civility.” (National Commission on Excellence in Education, 1983)

In this short paragraph, the investigation into the quality of American education is predicated upon “commerce, industry, science, and technological innovation,” as well as the necessity to protect what the report calls “American prosperity, security, and civility.” Where in this definitive paragraph is there mention of learning to enrich the human condition, of education as a means of democratic development or civic engagement, of education as a means of prosperity and security based on non-violent human interaction and the absence of the need for military and economic supremacy? Although the paragraph ends with “prosperity, security, and civility,’ these words cannot be extracted from the over-arching tone of prosperity dependent upon economic domination, security upon military might, and civility which all but equates to unwavering and unquestioned fealty.

Contemporary examples aside, this attitude towards public education as a history of imperial educational policy is readily apparent. Lamagdeleine, in discussing 19th century American schools, asserts that “the business and financial elite, while concerned about their cost, generally considered public schools a tool for “Americanizing wild immigrants.” (Lamagdeleine, pg. 306, 2001) Frequently, the “Americanizing” of immigrants resulted in the inculcation of marginalized students with visions of the “American Dream.” However, class and racial distinctions established through an imperial discourse only furthered the gap between the wealthy and poor, and although American education often produced strong feelings of US nationalism among immigrants, regardless of their passion for patriotism, the marginalized populations could never fully participate in the ideal of “life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.” Instead, the indoctrination into a society based on an idealized “American identity,” particularly among African Americans, resulted in the affirmation of a double-consciousness, in which there exists a constant struggle between the realization of self-defined identity and the ever-present social perception of “otherness.” Dubois, in his unparalleled passion and prose describes double-consciousness in the following passage:

“After the Egyptian and Indian, the Greek and Roman, the Teuton and Mongolian, the Negro is a sort of seventh son, born with a veil, and gifted with second-sight in this American world,--a world which yields him no true self-consciousness, but only lets him see himself through the revelation of the other world. It is a peculiar sensation, this double- consciousness, this sense of always looking at one's self through the eyes of others, of measuring one's soul by the tape of a world that looks on in amused contempt and pity. One ever feels his twoness,--an American, a Negro; two warring souls, two thoughts, two unreconciled strivings; two warring ideals in one dark body, whose dogged strength alone keeps it from being torn asunder.” (Dubois, 1897)

Throughout his book Black Skins, White Masks, Fanon also addresses double-consciousness. However, in passage in particular, he connects the phenomenon of the double-consciousness to imperialism. “The black man has two dimensions. One with his fellows, the other with the white man. A Negro behaves differently with a white mane and with another Negro. That this self-division is a direct result of colonialist subjugation is beyond question.” (Fanon, pg. 17, 1967) In, The Colonizer and the Colonized, Memmi (1990) describes the significance of an imperial educational system as it relates to double-consciousness. In particular, Memmi argues that an imperial educational system presents an unfamiliar world to students. Within this existence, students not only experience an education with a decidedly alien component, but are also subjected to effects which produce a permanent duality within the student. Thus, when including the component of imperialism, double-consciousness takes on a broader meaning as it not only includes issues of race but also of political, economic, cultural, and military influence. Accepting these components as attributors to the institution of double-consciousness, comparisons between the similar experiences of Welsh and African American populations reveal a form of double-consciousness, and its effects, in the Welsh experience. However, it must be noted that while comparisons between marginalized groups can serve to provide meaningful opportunities to better understand the effects of imperialism on marginalized identities, such comparisons cannot be made at the expense of equalizing the historical and contemporary experiences of each group, or by either artificially reducing or elevating one marginalized disposition in comparison to the other. The African American double-consciousness is unique in it position historically, culturally, and within the personal experiences of each individual who has experienced this phenomenon. At the same time, the notion of a Welsh double-consciousness also possesses certain unique qualities that cannot be removed or ignored through simplistic comparisons to the experiences of other marginalized groups. Rather, in addressing double-consciousness, this paper focuses on the similarities and commonalities that exist through the trans-Atlantic experience of participating as an “other” in an imperial educational experience. Unfortunately, in some instances, discussions regarding the effects of imperialism are often framed within a binary perspective, meaning that all colonized identities are group together as equally oppressed, uniformly marginalized, or simply sharing the supposed same, universal effects of imperialism and colonization. Likewise, groups described as imperial identities– the colonizers – are often described in similar terms with non-dissimilar characteristics and overly-simplified generalizations that fail to capture the degrees of variability that not only mark, but define, the relationship between those who oppress and those who experience this oppression. Such simplified perspectives must be adjusted to view the full-scale of imperialism, its affect on marginalized identities, and the concomitant complications of classifying and categorizing postcolonial dispositions. Nevertheless, certain similarities exist between the African American and Welsh experience, and it is perhaps because of the complications associated with the irregular postcolonial dispositions of these two groups that such comparisons can be made, particularly in discussions of educational policy and its effect on how members of these marginalized groups not only participate in imperially-influenced curricula, but also in relation to their existence in a society shaped through these state-run educational systems and their personal narratives as marginalized entities in these spaces. Specifically, one shared experience which is directly related to the personal narratives of both African American and Welsh populations are the attempts through education has been employed to “Americanize” and “make-British” (read English) each population respectively.

The “Americanization” of African Americans was not an initial concern of the public education system in America. Rather, as Lamagdeleine notes, “blacks – when they attended school – usually did so in separate facilities with inferior resources,” (Lamagdeleine, pg. 308, 2001) and the educational position of the Welsh in the 19th century was surprisingly similar. In an appraisal of the status of Welsh education in the mid 19th century, the commissioners of the “Blue Books of 1847” described in detail the lack of materials in Welsh schools and the dismal wages provided to the educators as they compared to English schools. (Roberts, 1998)

The poor conditions of African American and Welsh educational systems were not solely a result of economic forces. Instead they were a result of a myriad of imperial influences, but perhaps none as insidious as the discourse that defined both cultures as uncivilized, immoral, and inferior. Gillingham (pgs.397-399, 1992) provides examples from as early as the 12th century in which English authors describe the Welsh as “rude and untamed barbarians,” and “bestial” people who “live like beasts.” In addition, the Welsh are characterized as immoral and “do not blush to indulge in incest.” (Ibid.) These notions of “Welshness” were further reinforced hundreds of years later in an official report commissioned by the English government which the Welsh have come to describe as the 'Brad y Llyfrau Gleision' or the ‘Treachery of the Blue books’ due to blue binding of the books. Take for example the judgments of Commissioners Lingen, Symons, and Vaughan-Johnson, the authors of this report, who determined the “uncontrolled sexuality” of Welsh women to be the primary indicators of Welsh immorality. (Kreider, pg. 29, 2002) In addition, Commissioner Symons declared that among the Welsh, “Petty thefts, lying, cozening, every species of chicanery, drunkenness… and idleness prevail.”

In the US, similar language and concepts were applied to African Americans. Produced as essential concepts of “Blackness,” African slaves were regarded as "ignorant, crafty, treacherous, thievish, and mistrustful." (Yarbrough and Bennet, pg. 634, 2000) In the 18th century, reactions of White men to African women as "fiery and warm, and so much hotter than the men,” as well as descriptions of them as "hot constitution'd Ladies who are continually contriving stratagems how to gain a lover," (Pilgrim, http://www.ferris.edu/jimcrow/jezebel/, 2002) help to illustrate that these representations of “otherness” are not tied to just one marginalized culture or the other. Rather, they illustrate a common experience between both cultures and their relationship with Eurocentric imperialism. As these cultures existed within but somewhat independently of a dominant culture, the prevailing discrimination enacted against them allowed the state to operate institutionally racialized nationalized policies that allowed the educational opportunities of African American and Welsh cultures to remain deficient. However, when political unrest and upheaval threatened the safety and position of the status-quo, the hegemonic states were compelled to “evaluate and improve” the educational systems of these oppressed groups.

In the US, the initial activities associated with the Civil Rights movement voiced the concerns of African Americans and their desire for equitable educational opportunities and, eventually, steps towards the desegregation of American schools were taken. The benefits to all students attending desegregated schools are now easily identified. However, African American students are still at a great disadvantage as the cultural assaults on their heritage and history as a people have been institutionalized in the form of predominately Eurocentric curricula. In general, African Americans have been taught to accept a history “that has little to do with them, aside from methods of colonization and oppression.” (Peretti and Wilson, Pg. 172, 1995) Although some progress has been made, the constant inculcation of a myopic world-view further exacerbates the condition of double-consciousness and continues to contribute to a reactive definition of self that is reliant on imperialist discourse.

Again, the Welsh educational and cultural experiences are incredibly similar to that of African Americans. Political unrest, exhibited in instances such as the Merthyr Rising in 1831 and the Rebecca Riots between 1839 and 1843, compelled the English Government to focus its attention on Wales. Thus an attempt to identify the impetus for such dissimilation into “British” society took form in the commission of an inquiry which would evaluate the educational systems in Wales. Much like the inadequately designed, poorly implemented, and racially-charged desegregation policies of the US, the Reports Of The Commissioners Of Enquiry Into The State Of Education In Wales denied the recognition of culture, heritage, and proactively-defined identity as a necessary aspect of personal, civic, and cultural development. This position is further reinforced by Kreider (pg. 31, 2002), who identifies William Williams’ assertion that without the “fostering hand of Government,” the Welsh will “inevitably continue as… the most degraded and benighted of Her Majesty’s subjects.”

As a nationalized curriculum decidedly based on English history and identity displaced historically and culturally aware curricula in Wales, so has the imperial British identity attempted to displace a self-defined concept of identity, As a result, many Welsh may also experience a double-consciousness similar in effect to that referred to by Dubois, Fanon, Memmi, and others.

“…the point I am trying to make here (without wishing to go so far as to draw a parallel between the situation of the black Antilleans and the Welsh in historical terms) is that the psychological analyses of the colonial situation by Fanon, Memmi, and others is useful in understanding the Welsh experience, where the Welsh sense of inferiority described by Thomas and Williams is instilled (in part) by the internalization of negative English/British perceptions and constructions of Welsh, as well as by a version of history which shows Welsh defeat as an inevitable phase in the progressive march of civilization.” (Bohata, pg. 24, 2004)

Further examples, both historical and contemporary, illustrate the ever-present imperial influences in the curriculum of Wales and the US. Although the educational landscape of both America and Wales has changed dramatically throughout the past century, the struggles deriving from existing as a subject of dual-perspectives still exists in many of the hearts and minds of Welsh and African Americans.
No simple solutions exist in resolving the negative effects of empirically constructed curricula on marginalized populations in society. However, specific, concerted efforts to resist the external mandates of educational and cultural control can have an ameliorating effect on the condition of marginalized populations in society. For example, the ability to produce and distribute content through the Internet has enabled those who experience the struggle of double-consciousness to communicate their experience to a global audience. From a curricular perspective, locally constructed, self-reflective, and critically conscious endeavors such as these can serve as culturally-aware curricular components that enable learners to develop a citizenship that is strengthened by a sense of multi-cultural coherency and meaningful self-reflection.

Take for example, Lowri or Lowri?, (Pugh, 2004) which is a short film that discusses personal conflicts associated with Welsh identity and the interpretation of this identity in Wales, and A Girl Like Me, (Davis, 2006) a film which illustrates some of the difficulties experienced by African American women and the associated stereotypes present in the US. In an excerpt from Lowri or Lowri?, Pugh discusses how reactions to her fluency in Cymraeg often relate to feelings of alienation and spectacle.

“It makes me sad that it makes me feel like I'm being asked to speak in a foreign language… It's like I'm floating between two worlds, dipping in and out of two pools. Does it matter that I never know to which crowd I really belong? (Pugh, 2004)

While in A Girl Like Me, another short film, Davis provides candid responses from African American females who continue to struggle against the established stereotypes that have marginalized African American women since the 18th century, as well as the exclusion of African culture from the American identity.
“The different countries in Africa have their different cultures, different morals, and different values, and not knowing that sort of keeps us at a loss. I feel like we are busy searching for it while everybody else in society is throwing their ideas at what they believe we should be.” (Davis, 2005)

In both instances, the struggle between the representations and constructions of “us and them” are made apparent. However, what is promising is that these experiences were expressed through a process which required a meaningful interrogation of self that resisted outward influences in substantiating an identity, in challenging the status-quo, and in creating a liberative space that is aware and accessible. The creation, development, and realization of these films were an exercise in education – meaningful education comprised of significant benchmarks and standards, living and breathing curricula, and performance-based assessments that demonstrated the individual’s knowledge of the subject. Moreover, this education was a localized endeavor that shrugged-off external limits and controls, and met the individual needs of those involved.

In both the United States and the United Kingdom, imperialist discourses continue to marginalize African American and Welsh cultures (among others), and are continually reinforced and perpetuated through nationalized, standardize curricula that have been constructed from a singular position – a predominately white, Eurocentric position. If the goal of education truly is the pursuit of building strong, democratically active and free nations, then this model of assimilation and indoctrination disguised as education must be challenged by those who are willing to honestly engage in praxis, which requires self-reflection and civic engagement. While there are no simple answers to the effects of imperialism on the education of marginalized groups, the act of transforming education into a liberating experience must come from citizens who are compelled to confront the inadequacies in empirically-charge curricula. In this role, they are more than just members of a community, instead as Freire suggests, they are political militants who are not solely-consumed by the inculcation of students with a lifeless curriculum, and instead understand the importance of sobriety, competence, and social-awareness that comes through praxis. (Freire, 2006) These are individual who must believe in the right of all people to live and live-well. They must be willing to risk the scrutiny of the oppressor as they recognize education as more than a tool for national military and economic dominance, but as a nation-building endeavor that embraces democracy and pedagogical discourse for true liberation.

Bibliography
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Williams, J. & Hughes, G. (1978), The History of Education in Wales I, Swansea, Wales: UK, Christopher Davies

Yarbrough, M. & Bennett, C. (2000), Cassandra and the "Sistahs": the Peculiar Treatment of African American Women in the Myth of Women as Liars, Journal of Gender, Race and Justice, 626-657, 634-655 (Spring 2000)

Datblygu'r Cwricwlwm Cymreig: Hanes Byr Addysg yng Nghymru

2009-02-04T15:50:00.002-05:00

This is another "too big for a paper" project. However, I needed to really engage with the history of education in Wales. This paper was written for a course that emphasizes curriculum history, and this paper was written with the intent of laying out in succinct terms key figures in the curricular history of Wales.

Datblygu'r Cwricwlwm Cymreig: Hanes Byr Addysg yng Nghymru
Developing the Curriculum Cymreig: A Brief History of Education in Wales

On the 31st of July, 1998, the Government of Wales Act was passed which in turn, brought into existence a devolved legislative body of government called the National Assembly for Wales. Apart from the significance of the political and cultural ramifications of this event, and in considering the long and sometimes difficult history that has developed between England and Wales, the institution of the National Assembly for Wales also had a profound affect on education in this seemingly placid principality. It was from this point forward that Wales, as a self-governing nation-state, would eventually develop its own educational philosophy in determining the goals and methods that the government would employ in meeting the needs of its citizenry. Most importantly, for the first time since the Acts of Union in 1536-1542, these goals and aims would bear a meaningful and distinct differentiation from those of England as they would seek to meet the social, cultural, and economic needs of Welsh society.

In the years following the inception of the National Assembly, further development of the government body in Wales occurred, with the most recent and influential change occurring in 2006 with the Government of Wales Act 2006. In this act, a legal distinction between the National Assembly for Wales and the Welsh Assembly Government was designated. This arrangement, similar to that of the UK government offices and Parliament in Westminster, created a formal, legal separation between
(1) the National Assembly for Wales, which is the legislature comprising the 60 Assembly members, and the Welsh Assembly Government, the executive, which comprises the First Minister, Welsh Ministers, Deputy Welsh Ministers and the Counsel General., and (2) the Welsh Assembly Government, the executive, which comprises the First Minister, Welsh Ministers, Deputy Welsh Ministers and the Counsel General. (Government of Wales Act 2006, 2006)

Thus, the Welsh Assembly Government now makes decisions, develops and implements policy, and exercises executive functions regarding the social needs and expectations of the citizenry of Wales and, in turn, the National Assembly for Wales serves to “scrutinise the Assembly Government’s decisions and policies; hold Ministers to account; approve budgets for the Welsh Assembly Government’s programmes; and have the power to enact Assembly Measures on certain matters” (Government of Wales Act 2006, 2006). Such an arrangement has never been had in Wales, even when Wales’ native princes ruled over their respective kingdoms in days long-passed. In educational terms, the ability for the Welsh people to be represented through a legislative body empowers a once near-powerless population to devise the educational means and pursuits which best serve their interests.
The history of education in Wales is a story of struggle framed in a web of pressures stemming from religious, political, cultural, and economic pressures. Similar to the early experiences of Mexican and African-American students in the US, the majority of Welsh students have faced nearly insurmountable challenges in gaining an education that not only acknowledged their cultural distinctiveness, but also provided them with an educational experience equal to that of the English counterparts. These challenges existed in the form of inadequate materials, deplorable facilities, and poorly trained teachers, who although had a desire to teach, simply were not provided with adequate instruction commensurate to their needs or the needs of their students. In addition, ideological struggles and misconceived notions of who deserves an education, and for what reasons, also complicated for a viable, well-constructed system of education in Wales. As with Latino and African-American students in the US, the remnants of this historical reality still, to a degree, mitigate the educational success of students in Wales. Over the years, educational leaders in Wales have acknowledged this fact, and as Wales has struggled to develop a national identity, on its own terms, in the European Union (and even in the UK), these leaders have attempted to make a positive impact on the efficacy of education in Wales at large, as well as contributing to the richness of the individual experience of the student.

The purpose of this paper is to provide a brief but concise description of the history of education in Wales, and how the forces involved in this history have contributed to the existing education philosophy of the Welsh government. In doing so, I will describe a general, chronological outline of the development of a state-run educational system in Wales. In addition, I will also pay particular attention to those individuals who were not only driven by their own desires to enhance the educational opportunities available in historical Wales, but who also valued the cultural distinctiveness of Welsh culture and the desire of the Welsh to develop an educational presence that would eventually open the doors to devolution and its own system of education that adopts a inclusive and self-affirming curriculum.

Early History & the Medieval Ages
This description of the early history of education in Wales begins in the 5th century. At this point in time, the Romans had successfully subdued the Welsh populace for over three hundred years and, although the Romans would soon withdraw from Britain, a precedent for the linguistic impact of the Romans had been established. While, Latin was established as the language of religion and law, Cymraeg (their native tongue) was used by the majority of the Welsh in their everyday lives (Jenkins, 2006). At the end of the 5th century, the Romans left Wales, but their influence remained with the introduction of Christianity into Wales and the use of Latin as the ecclesiastical language of the church (Jones & Roderick, 2003). In terms of education, life in Wales during the 5th century was largely comprised of subsistence farming and agriculturally-based trade (Jenkins, 2006). In this environment, education for the common-folk (Gwerin or y ‘werin in Cymraeg) didn’t occur in classrooms. Rather it occurred between fathers and sons in the fields, mothers and daughters in the home, and other non-familial, social relationships in the villages and towns that dotted the Welsh landscape. Formal education began with the Monks of the early Celtic Church. Illtud, a 5th century monk, founded an institution for learning in south Wales which drew disciples from as far as Brittany (Williams & Hughes, 1978). However, this form of education was not extended to y ‘werin, as literacy was the purview of clerics and was viewed as necessary for the propagation of the gospel, but not necessarily for the saving of souls, and the notion of the common people bettering their lives through education was a concept that would not come into play for centuries to come.

For hundreds of years the Monks would continue studying and copying their sacred texts, while Welsh kings and princes would rule over their respective kingdoms in Wales. During these years, an emphasis on oral histories and traditions gave rise to the role of the bard; an individual who underwent long and thorough training in poetry and genealogy (Jenkins, 2006), and the lawyer, who also trained orally and assisted kings and lords in interpreting the law. Bards were afforded places of honour and responsibility in the courts of the king and his lords, as they were the “guardians of the whole corpus of the traditional lore of the royal family and the people they ruled” (Williams & Hughes, 1978). Lawyers were also well respected, but did not receive the acclaim that accompanied the bard. Another example of the value of oral traditions is found in the guilds where skilled-instruction was shared with apprentices and guild-members and carefully guarded from those outside of the guild. This guardianship of knowledge ensured a demand for services rendered and also protected lines of economic and social mobility from the general populace. The emphasis on the bardic tradition, study of the law and religion, and the role of the guilds are made known in the Law of Hywel the Good (Cyfraith am Hywel Dda)
“There are three arts which a villain may not teach his son without the lord’s permission, scholarship, bardism and smithcraft; because if his lord permits the scholar to wear a tonsure, or a smith to enter a smithy, or a bard to sing, then no one can afterwards enslave them.” (Jenkins, p.19, 1986)

In this short passage, the importance of education as a vehicle for social mobility and liberation, as well as a method of excising oneself from the complete influence of the king or lord, is made manifest. However, as the administration of royal affairs grew more complex and early medieval life of people in Wales met challenging circumstances, the emphasis for oral traditions were lessened and the desire for a formalized form of education increased.

Rebellion, Reformation, and Rennaissance
As time passed from the Dark Ages into the latter part of the Medieval Ages, three calamities would come to affect the development of formal education in Wales. The first of these instances came with the conquest of Wales by Edward I in 1282. With the coming of an English King came the death of Llewelyn ap Grufydd, the last native prince of Wales, and any notion of Welsh self-government. The conquest of Edward I started the eventual colonization of Wales and Anglicization of Welsh culture, an influence that continues to pervade aspects of Welsh education (Smith, 2007). The second calamity was the “Black Death,” which killed approximately one-third of the population in Wales (Jenkins, 2006). The Black Death was no respecter of persons. The clergy who travelled throughout Wales and served the laity of the hamlets and villages throughout the country also suffered from its effects. As a result, the ranks of literate clergy were devastated, and those who did remain most often copied existing Holy Scripture without developing new intellectual contributions (Jones & Roderick, 2003). Moreover, fears of infection ran unchecked, and as a result religious institutions were less likely to accept new scholars.

Consequently, the body of scholars in Wales shrank in numbers. The final significant development of the middle ages that would affect formal education was the defeat of the Welsh rebellion led by Owain Glyndwr in the 15th century. The Welsh uprising disrupted many facets of life in Wales. English forces gathered a larger presence in Wales, resources were diverted to support the war, and tensions between the English state and the principality of Wales worsened and never truly recovered.

Apart from the disruptions of war, the economic recovery that followed the Black Death and Glyndwr uprising placed a focus on crafts and literature which not prompted a change in methods of training for bards, but also opened the doors to a broader distribution of skills-instruction for laborers. In addition to these economic developments came a greater need for lawyers who could help arbitrate the law during these prosperous times. However, the training of lawyers had to change in order to meet the growing demand for written records. In previous years kings and lords depended on bards and lawyers, who were orally trained in poetry, genealogy, and law, for the administration of their kingdoms. However, in the latter part of the medieval ages, the complications of administering “the king’s justice” required literacy as well as knowledge of the traditions of the land and royal house (Jones & Roderick, 2003). In order to meet this demand, a lawyer by the name of David Holbache founded a grammar school in Oswestry, Wales. Instances such as this challenged the churches dominion over education at the time and also contributed to the growing disparity between land owners, those who could afford to attend schools, and their tenant, landless laborers.

The role of the church in education would change rapidly in the 16th and 17th century. Latin had remained as the language of the church, and as such, Welsh parishioners would essentially attend services fully conducted in a foreign tongue. At this point participation in religious rites relied entirely on recognition of a few choice words and graphic representations of the gospel. However, as the Reformation swept through Britain, the visual elements of the services – stained glass windows, iconography of the Virgin Mary, and depictions of pilgrimages were almost entirely removed. The priests and worshippers were now left with little more than catechisms and litanies that were of little use to those who did not have a strong grasp of Latin. It was becoming increasingly apparent to Welsh worshippers and clergy alike that reading the scriptures in their own tongue was the only way to real salvation. In some cases, small groups of people throughout England and Wales were meeting together in parishes throughout Britain for lessons on the scriptures and basic grammar-school style education. The English state also understood the power of literacy and the potential it possessed in providing pathways to greater freedom and liberation. During his reign in the early 16th century, Henry VIII decreed that “the bible should only be read by the aristocracy, gentry, and prosperous merchants” (Jones & Roderick, 2003). In addition, Henry VIII enacted the Chantries Act of 1547 which placed all chantries under control of the king. While this was problematic for the local clergy, it was even more devastating to the poor people of their parishes who would no longer have access to what little education they received through the church. Apart from these complications, the scriptures existed as the most common reading material of the time, and Welsh clergy continued to believe that the inability to read the scriptures would not only threaten the eternal salvation of the Welsh, but would also keep them ignorant and out of touch with the economic and political developments of the day. Thus, in 1588 Bishop William Morgan arranged for the translation of the Bible into Welsh, a relatively simple undertaking which would transform the religious and educational landscape of Wales.

As the 16th century progressed, the position of the state and upper-class regarding the poor lower-class members was greatly influenced by the development of and appreciation for culture inspired by the Renaissance. However, in regards to the lower-class, education was continued to be a primary function of the church in the saving of souls. In opposition to her father’s views, Queen Elizabeth viewed the Bible, and reading the Bible, as a necessary tool in the battle for people’s souls. In addition, many upper-class citizens developed charitable organizations which served to establish grammar schools through England and Wales for the poorer citizenry. These philanthropic efforts were the result of the double-edged sword of Puritanism which led to the acquisition of greater wealth on one-hand and the need for charitable service on the other. Through these philanthropic efforts, a handful of schools continued to operate in Wales in the 16th and 17th century. The curriculum of these schools reflected that of the ancient universities of and church schools in England and focused on classical instruction, with all instruction held in English. The focus of studies was on the Latin and Greek languages, and relied on memorization and learning by rote rather than the dialectical method of instruction found in the medieval ages (Jones & Roderick, 2003).

In 1650 the Act for the Better Preaching and Propagation of the Gospel in Wales contributed to a larger perspective on the education and spiritual needs of the Welsh. This Puritan led initiative established 60 grammar schools throughout Wales. Although short-lived, this educational initiative incorporated the international view of Comenius, a Swedish theologian and educator who “believed that education should be provided from infancy, first in the home, then in the village school, then in the city gymnasium, and finally at university” (Jones, pg. 18, 2003). Comenius also shared the Lutheran notion that education should not be grounded in narrow classicism, but instead should serve as a preparation for life. A Puritan educational philosophy also included the influences of Hartlib and Dury who viewed education as a means for saving souls and a safeguard against the sins of idleness and profanity. (Jones & Roderick, 2003) Although well-intentioned, these endeavors were constructed on ideas born from the urban areas of England and translated poorly into the rural reality of the Welsh. For the Welsh, both the language and experience of formal education were a foreign concept that alienated them to a degree from the concepts they were intending to learn. If the formal education of the Welsh was to succeed, it seemed that it must be a movement born within Wales that radiated outward from the people and not a prescribed method of English assimilation.
Undoubtedly, the most important educational development to arise from the 17th century was the organization of the Welsh Trust by Thomas Gouge, an English Puritan minister who was ejected from the clergy in London. In 1674, he established a charitable organization that provided a network of over 70 schools throughout Wales which educated approximately more than 2000 students annually. Although his death in 1681 marked the end of the Welsh Trust movement, it inspired the creation of another charitable organization that would have an even more significant contribution to early education in Wales.

In 1699 the Society for the Promotion of Christian Knowledge (SPCK) was created. This organization quickly established a nation-wide network of Anglican charity schools across Wales. For the next 40 years, the SPCK would continue to develop schools throughout Wales, as well as expanding upon the regularly used “grammar school” curriculum. It was during this period of time that the first noted “Welsh hero” of education emerged. This figure would not only lead to the broadening of the Welsh philosophy of education, but he would also contribute to the shifting of Welsh religion from the main body of the Anglican Church (the nonconformist movement), a shift that had far-reaching cultural and political significance in Wales.

Philanthropy & Nonconformity
Griffith Jones, who served as the rector of Llanddowror, was driven by strong convictions to preach the gospel. However, he could not ignore what he called the “extremely miserable blindness” of his own country. Initially, he attempted to overcome this blindness through preaching, but he would soon write “how deplorably ignorant the poor people are who cannot read, even where constant preaching is not wanting, while catechising is omitted.” (Gittings, pg.13, 1954) Jones had a talent for preaching, but perhaps even a greater talent in procuring funding for his vision of a school that enabled Christians to not only read, but also understand the scriptures, and in particular, the catechisms of the church. Sir John Phillips of Picton Castle, an original member of the SPCK, was Jones initial grant source. However, Phillips’ death in 1737 would eventually lead to Jones developing a relationship with Madam Bridget Bevan, who proved to be a close friend and staunch supporter who worked with Jones through the remainder of his life. The success of the Circulating Schools of the SPCK movement was built upon the shrewdness of Jones in financial matters, as well as his ability to transform the curriculum to better meet the needs of Welsh students. The Teaching was in both English and Welsh, and the SPCK also published and made distributed a Welsh Bible. In addition to basic literacy and the catechism, boys were taught arithmetic. Girls who attended the school would learn needlework, spinning, and weaving. Although the schools were set up in a wide variety of buildings, annual inspections kept the standards to a high level. By 1761, the year of Jones’ death, it is estimated that 150,000 were taught in approximately 3,300 schools throughout Wales (Gittings, 1954). This number does not represent the adult students who eventually attended the schools, a practice unheard of in earlier years.

The educational, religious, and even political influences of Jones would be felt for years after his death. For example, Thomas Charles, a fellow Welshman from Carmarthenshire regarded Jones as his mentor, even though Charles was only six years old when Jones died in 1761. In a lecture on Thomas Charles, Ieuan Jones refers to a quote from an 18th century Welshmen regarding the future of Wales, “‘Pwy a gyfyd Gymru, canys bechau yw?’ By whom shall Wales be raised, for she is small?” (Gittings, pg.31, 1954). This question is important in that the Welsh could now take the biblical accounts of which they were reading and apply it to their own lives (this was a question the prophet Amos had asked regarding the Israelites), and also that they possessed a shared faith in the moral uplift of Wales that would come about by the hand of God manifested through the education of the Welsh, and it is in these circumstances that Thomas Charles entered into the field of education.
Charles attended the dissenting Academy in Carmarthen, an institution descended from a nonconformist tradition. Throughout his training, Charles associated with Calvinists and Unitarians, and ultimately with Methodists while at the Academy in Carmarthen. It was during his associations with the Methodists that he considered himself to be saved (Gittings, 1954). However, even with his eternal salvation in hand, the reality of Charles’ mortal life was marked by periods of trouble, particularly financial trouble. His studies at Oxford following the Academy in Carmarthen were marked by financial embarrassments. Moreover, once returning to Wales he had difficulty in establishing a living in Bala, a city in the rural northern portion of Wales. He did, however, marry well, and it was this union that brought him not only financial peace, but also an opportunity to develop social connections with other Methodists in the area. His marriage to Miss Sally Jones of Bala, marks the second appearance of a well-financed woman who contributed to the success of education in Wales, but whose mention is only accompanied by that her “heroic” husband.

When Charles joined the Methodist movement in Bala, it was a movement in crisis. Charles was motivated to preserve this tradition since this was the pathway to his own salvation. However, he recognized, as did Jones before him, that preaching to an illiterate populace could not result in the saving of souls. With the circulating schools established by Jones going bankrupt with the death of Madam Bevan in 1778, the Welsh had little opportunity to attend free schools (or schools with a limited fee structure). Therefore, Charles felt his first task was to educate the people, and so he established his own charity schools to accomplish this task. Charles followed Jones’ example through hiring untrained teachers, training them himself, and then paying them on a modest scale. However, his greatest success (educationally speaking) was in expanding the curriculum established by Jones. Where Jones rigidly believed in the catechism as the primary source of salvation, and therefore the core component of his educational philosophy, Charles incorporated more of a pragmatic approach. The popularity of his schools was predicated on the fact that there was no fixed curriculum applied to all schools. There were particular features which were found in all schools, but in areas that demonstrated particular needs, Charles adopted “extended facilities” and experimented with various methods of instruction and content areas that would work to meet those demands (Gittings, 1954). In addition, Charles schools were socially inclusive. This is not to say that children with mental, emotional, or physical disabilities were attending the school, or that differentiated instruction took place, but rather that the schools were not confined to serving the children of the laboring classes. Additionally, Charles placed a greater emphasis on additional reading material than just the Bible. Finally, Charles had a developed and coherent theory regarding the use of the Welsh language in teaching (Gittings, 11954). He believed, and was able to prove through the educational outcomes of his students, that literacy in Welsh did not hinder literacy in English (as was commonly believed at the time), but rather literacy in one language worked in establishing literacy in a second language.

Charles held lessons on Sunday afternoons, allowing parents to send their children to school without sacrificing labor needed around the home. These Sunday Schools were managed by a democracy of teachers (Gittings, 1954) which contributed to a wide variety of educational methods that were elastic enough to meet the various needs of the populations they served. These factors, along with the fact that Charles operated as the architect of the Welsh Calvinistic Methodist denomination, created a demand for the Sunday Schools that surpassed the notoriety of the SPCK schools. This nonconformist movement swelled on the educational growth of the students of the Sunday Schools and led to a unique form of worship that was equal parts nationalism and spiritualism. Through the nonconformist movement, education was highlighted as a means to spiritual enlightenment and social and civic understanding and responsibility. Not only did the individual curricula strive to meet the needs of the local constituencies, but the teachers also practiced democratic methods that could be observed as a model of successful social living for the students and community. These concepts and practices are important features of a nation looking to establish itself from a long and drawn-out crisis of cultural and political renewal. As Jones notes in his lecture referred to earlier, “Charles’ motto might have been, ‘Canus nid oes i ni yma ddinas barhaus, eithr un i ddyfod yr ŷm yn ei ddisgwl’: For we have not here an abiding city, but we hope for one to come” (Gittings, pg.54, 1954).

Treason in Victorian Times
The hope for “an abiding” Wales came for many in the form of the industrial revolution of the 19th century. In many parts of Wales, the economic influx developed by coal and steel eventually translated into educational attainment and some semblance of financial stability and social mobility. With the development of industry came the infusion of people into the valleys of Wales. In the latter part of the century, the population of cities such as Merthyr Tydfil would more than double in size, leading to poverty, disease, and political unrest. In these times, only 70 per cent of children ages 8 through 12 attended school, while many children (some as young as seven years of age) were sent to work (Jones & Roderick, 2003). With the majority of education still existing as a voluntary endeavor, the nonconformists viewed the increasing funding from the English government as a method of developing greater state control and influence of the established Anglican Church over education. Nonconformity was rapidly evolving as not only a religious movement, but also a political movement that promoted Welsh culture and independence.
Moreover, many nonconformists believed in the transformational power of education as the vehicle for political and cultural viability for Wales in the 19th century. However, none of the nonconformists who shared this perspective would have as much influence on the education of the Welsh as Hugh Owen.

Hugh Owen, who “had been the very fulcrum of that sustained experience in educational provision which brought Wales out of primitive isolation into modern society” (Gittings, 1954), was born on the isle of Anglesey, far removed from the southern villages that were soon to be ravaged by the onslaught of industry. Owen was bred in the Methodist tradition and eventually influenced by Calvinist preaching. At the age of 21 he learned short-hand left Anglesey to work in the office of a Welsh lawyer in London. He enjoyed varied success while in London and was eventually married. His wife, however, could not withstand Welsh sermons and eventually joined a Baptist church. Owen soon joined as well. All of these experiences attributed to his undogmatic religious beliefs, which although were strong, did not dominate the scope of his educational philosophy as it did he predecessors.

While in London, Owen became chairmen of National Temperance League and many other charitable organizations. He also became further involved in political matters in London and assisted Benjamin Disraeli in the preparation of his Reform Bill (Jenkins, 2006). While Owen established himself politically, the disparity existing between the urban and rural areas of Wales was becoming more and more apparent. In developed areas of Wales successful schools were positioned in areas of economic growth and stability, while schools which were inadequate were cast against a much more dismal background of industrial pollution, outbreaks of dysentery and cholera, and unchecked poverty. Isolated schools in remote districts faced their own difficulties. “A Welsh-language culture enjoyed its extra-mural existence, but it is the degree of isolation, mental, emotional, even fashionable isolation, which distinguished the more from the less developed regions” (Gittings, 1954). In both cases of deprivation, the general population lacked access to dignity and respectability. Owen was committed to the notion of respectability, and in turn felt it was necessary to make Wales respectable as well and to bring it into modern society.

Motivated by what many nonconformists felt was the encroachment of England and the Anglican Church upon the domain of Welsh education, and his desire to see Wales develop into a respectable nation, Owen engaged in a political tour de force. Utilizing his Methodist connections in Wales, and the power associated with the various roles he held in various organization, Owen sought to rally the nonconformist forces against the onslaught of the Anglican Church. The first forays would come in the form of educational grants for schools in Wales, but the main thrust of the struggle would come in the Reports of the Commissioners of Inquiry Into The State of Education in Wales, or what the Welsh referred to as Brad y Llyfrau Gleision (the treachery of the blue books, a reference to the blue covers of the reports). The contents of the “blue books” contained accurate depictions of the deplorable state of education throughout the majority of Wales, as well as truthful descriptions of the desire for many Welsh students to learn. For example, J.C. Symons, one of three authors of the report wrote:

“I can speak in very strong terms of the natural ability and capacity for instructions of the Welsh people. Though they are ignorant, no people more richly deserve to be educated. In the first place, they desire it to the full extent of their power to appreciate it; in the next, their natural capacity is of a high order, especially in the Welsh districts. They learn what they are even badly taught with surprising facility. Their memories are very retentive, and they are remarkably shrewd in catching an idea. In the words of a clergyman who has lived among them, they ‘see what you mean before you have said it.’” (Lingen, Symons, & Johnson, pg.57, 1847)

However, the most important contents of the “blue books” were the significant anti-Welsh sentiments demonstrated by each of the authors. In the reports, the moral and cultural qualities of the Welsh were under constant attack. Symons, who wrote so positively of the Welsh people’s educability, would also write Commissioner Symons argued that

“there are few countries where the standard of minor morals is lower… Petty thefts, lying, cozening, every species of chicanery, drunkenness . . . and idleness prevail. . . among the least educated part of the community, who scarcely regard them in the light of sins.” (Lingen, Symons, & Johnson, pg.57 1847)

The other commissioners were equally insulting, if not more so, and through their vitriol the intent of the report as an instrument of denigrating the Welsh that would provide justification for the restructuring of their educational system and replacement of nonconformity with Anglican dogma became apparent. Thus, although the report did reveal the inadequacies of Welsh education, it was more of a method to perpetuate the colonization of Wales and an effort to establish the cultural assimilation of the Welsh to an English norm (Smith, 2007).

Hugh Owen orchestrated written responses, protests, and other forms of public outcry against the moral judgments of the commissioners. However, he also used their findings on the state of education to further his own agenda of creating a respectable and modern Wales. From a curricular perspective, Owens was no visionary, and in means of an educator, he was more of an organizer and facilitator than one who understood the best ways in which students learn. However, it was these abilities as an administrator that allowed him to make transformational change in the educational landscape of Wales.

With support largely comprised by the nonconformist middle-class, Owen established an educational scheme that was to be, in his words, “a harmonious whole” (Gittings, 1954). The system contained primary schools as a base, and then secondary schools. Old schools were refurbished and new schools were built. The system was largely funded by the fees generated from the schools. In addition, Owen devised local scholarships that were intended to “catch the exceptionally bright children of the poor” (Gittings, 1954). These scholarships were awarded to elementary school children and would give a place at secondary school for two years. In addition to the existing curricula already in place in schools, the aspiration of a modern Wales also incorporated the inclusion of vocational training, resulting in mining schools, and training for working in the ironworks. In the figure of Owen we see a range of contradictions and paradoxes; Welsh born but empowered through English law, a multitude of religious influences, and a general lack of understanding in educational methods but a skilled administrator of educational processes and resources. With these characteristics, Owen provided a firm foundation from which future workers in Welsh education could operate.

Owen Edwards was one such worker. Born in 1858 in Wales, Edwards would rise to hold the office of the Chief Inspector of Education for Wales wherein he would have a lasting impact on not only the structure of the educational system in Wales, but he would also make a meaningful and long-lasting contribution to the importance of Welsh culture as a component of a school’s curriculum. Edwards’ cultural sensitivity may have been influenced in his attending Ysgol y Llan, a “Welsh-not” school which punished students for speaking Welsh and encouraged students to report their peers for speaking their native tongue. Eventually he would attend Coleg y Bala (a theological college in the hometown of Thomas Charles) as a lay student. While in Coleg y Bala, he earned an entrance scholarship to Aberystwyth College. Edwards preached during his time in Aberystwyth but was not confident of his abilities. Eventually, he would attend Glasgow University briefly, and from there he would eventually lecture at Oxford, and it was during these years that his work for Wales would begin.

In 1889 Edwards would begin work as an editor, and serve as an editor for five periodicals: Cymru (Wales), Cymru’r Plant (The Welsh Child), Wales, Heddiw (Today), and Y Llenor (The Literary Man), and he also began the reprinting of Welsh classics (Gittings, 1954). In 1907 Edwards was appointed as the Chief Inspector of Education for Wales in the newly created Welsh Department of Education (Jones & Roderick, 2003). While some liberals believed the Welsh Department of Education as a pathway to independence, many perceived its creation as a way to mollify Welsh yearnings for self-government. Irrespective of these beliefs, Edwards understood his position as a way to effect what he thought to be beneficial change in the education of the Welsh. As far as Edwards was concerned, his position mean he was to evaluated the needs of education in Wales, sustain the enthusiasm for education in Wales, ensure that the enthusiasm was supported with a system that brought about measurable, positive results, and that the “bilingual problem” in Wales was repositioned as a “bilingual opportunity” (Gittings, pg.89, 1954).

In 1907, the Welsh Department of Education put forth its approved syllabus for secondary education noting “the course should provide instruction in the English language and literature, at least one language other than English, geography, history, mathematics, science, and drawing. Where Welsh is spoken, the language, or one of the languages, other than English should be Welsh.” However, in two short years, Edwards’ influence can be seen in the addendum to this legislation: “any of the subjects of the curriculum may (whenever local circumstances make it desirable) be taught partly or wholly in Welsh” (Jones, pg. 119, 2003).

As chief inspector, Edwards was successful in organizing the inspectorate along Welsh. He was not only concerned with the quality of education in Wales, but also in how this education affected the cultural and political character of the Welsh, and Wales as a national entity. His is the first developed view of a bilingual curriculum for Wales, and an educational philosophy that promotes the inclusion of Welsh interests into a school’s curriculum. This was not only manifest in his appreciation of bilingual schools, but also in encouraging technical education (which had limited success), and the understanding that the strengths and needs of a local community should interact with the processes of education in that community. While many educators at this time in Wales were interpreting the work of Dewey as child-centered education, Edwards appreciated a larger understanding of Dewey’s work, one that incorporated the notion that there was an undeniable relationship between the social and cultural aspects of life in the community and the education of the members of that society.

Although many people embraced Edwards’ enlarged perspective on education, he was not free from controversy. Edwards issued reports attacking the curriculum put forward by the Central Welsh Board (an entity which he felt competed with his department) and what he determined to be general poor teaching. Edwards also engaged in public confrontations with other educators, particularly Major Edgar Jones, a prominent and popular head teacher from Barry. These conflicts slowed the general development of secondary schools in Wales and served to weaken Edwards’ position in education with both educators and parents (Jones & Roderick, 2003). However, what could not be undermined was the precedent he established in linking the viability and relevancy of the Welsh culture in the modern world with an education that spoke to the distinctiveness of Wales, its culture and the needs of its citizens (Jones, 1991).

Contemporary Wales & Y Cwricwlwm Cymreig
Vast educational reform would happen relatively quickly in Wales. The influences of the men (and, just as importantly, the women who financed and supported them) served as catalysts for series of legislation that not only led to the development of a specific political body to govern education in Wales, but ultimately an environment that would compliment the devolution of the Welsh government from Parliament in the late 20th century. While these developments are important, particularly the educational reform acts that would be enacted in the 1940s, and the language recognition acts of the 1960s and 90s, what I would like to focus on in the remainder of this paper is the educational philosophy that has developed from these series of events, a philosophy that reaches back to the work of Jones in the 16th century and was forged from the efforts of the other men mentioned in this paper, and in particular Edwards, in the early 20th century.

In the late 1980s and early 1990s, educational activists and policy makers in Wales developed and implemented a curricular initiative that would have a lasting impact on the nature of education in Wales. This fundamental shift in the creation and implementation of a new and distinct curriculum argued for a larger representation of Welsh culture in schools in Wales. The steps taken to make official what was already happening to a lesser degree in certain schools were founded on Edwards’ Welsh-centered position of what education, and in particular, a curriculum of a school in Wales should be. In 1993, the Curriculum Council for Wales Advisory produced a document entitled Developing a Curriculum Cymreig, in which the rationale for this distinctive curriculum and its general characteristics were defined. The guidance suggested the following:

“The whole curriculum in Wales encompasses and reflects in its content or exemplification, both the English and Welsh language cultures in the country, and the whole range of historical, social and environmental influences that have shaped contemporary Wales.” (Developing a Curriculum Cymreig, 1993)

The question of a single curriculum for all schools was a relatively new concept which relegated the freedom of teachers to control their curriculum to a phenomenon of the 1960s and 70s (Jones & Lewis, 1994). As a nationalized curriculum would continue to be developed, the Curriculum Cymreig also continued to undergo further development and revision with updated guidance produced by the ACCAC (Awdurdod Cymwysterau, Cwricwlwm ac Asesu Cymru or Qualifications, Curriculum and Assessment Authority for Wales) in subsequent years. As a result, the Curriculum Cymreig has been redefined and refined to operate within the overall contemporary pedagogical orientation of the educational policies and institutions in Wales. This curricular perspective has wrestled its way from the early, modernistic notions of progress and success – such as Owen’s desire for a modern and respectable Wales, and the notion of a “true Welsh” identity – such as the romanticized notion of the Gwerin (y ‘Werin), or the common folk who existed in the minds of many Welsh as the iconic Welsh figure: farmer poets, philosophers, and theologians (Jones & Roderick, 2003). This notion of authentic Welshness was a notion which contributed in part to the curricular perspectives held by Charles and Edwards. However, the most current iteration of the Developing a Curriculum Cymreig document is positioned within a broader post-modern discourse and describes the Curriculum Cymreig as an overarching theoretical perspective which infused into the national curriculum for Wales. In many cases, the Curriculum Cymreig has been mistakenly reduced to a policy that encourages teachers to incorporate aspects of Wales and Welshness into their courses, and the following statement from the ACCAC document does encourage teachers to thread Welsh themes into their lessons. “To develop such a curriculum, schools should provide and use relevant resources that have a Welsh dimension” (Developing The Curriculum Cymreig, p.4, 2003). However, although the explicit referencing to Wales and Welshness is a significant portion of the Curriculum Cymreig, the policy is much broader in scope.

“A Curriculum Cymreig helps pupils to understand and celebrate the
distinctive quality of living and learning in Wales in the twenty-first century, to identify their own sense of Welshness and to feel a heightened sense of belonging to their local community and country. It also helps to foster in pupils an understanding of an outward-looking and international Wales, promoting global citizenship and concern for sustainable development.” (Developing the Curriculum Cymreig, p.4, 2003)

As noted above, in addition to developing a sense of association and place with students, the ACCAC purports the Curriculum Cymreig also arms students with a sense of global citizenship. Again, according to the ACCAC, this occurs through incorporation of specific references to Wales into the Common Requirements – an aspect of the national curriculum for Wales. The Common Requirements are comprised of “a number of skills and knowledge areas which can be applied to all subjects” (Common Requirements, 2008). The statement addressing the Common Requirements in the ACCAC document purports that “Pupils should be given opportunities, where appropriate, to develop and apply knowledge and understanding of the cultural, economic, environmental, historical and linguistic characteristics of Wales” (Developing A Curriculum Cymreig, p. 4, 2003). Furthermore, without explicitly referring to multicultural education, the guidance frames the implementation of the Curriculum Cymreig as a philosophy that embraces a multicultural approach to education in Wales. For instance, while the original document produced in 1993 discussed only the Welsh and English language cultures, the most current version of the document positions the description of the purpose of the Curriculum Cymreig as a statement that is

“deliberately inclusive and aims to reflect the plurality and diversity of Wales in the twenty-first century. Its requirements will help pupils to understand what is distinctive about life in Wales, to celebrate diversity and to acquire a real sense of belonging.” (Developing A Curriculum Cymreig, p. 4, 2003)

The ACCAC also identified five dimensions in which the Curriculum Cymreig satisfies the Common Requirements mentioned above. These include cultural, economic, environmental, historical and linguistic dimensions, and in the document, each dimension and its relationship to the Curriculum Cymreig are explored in detail. Aware of the possible misinterpretations of multicultural education, the ACCAC also provides a clear warning:

“Because Welsh society is very diverse, there can be no single view of what it is to be Welsh. People’s perceptions vary, often coloured by the way of life in their own particular region of Wales, its linguistic, cultural and economic background. Yet all the pupils in our schools share the common experience of living and learning in Wales. They are entitled to have this experience reflected in the school curriculum. Whatever the language of instruction all the five aspects of the Curriculum Cymreig need to be fully developed in all schools.” (Developing A Curriculum Cymreig, p.7, 2003)

The impetus for these elements of the national curriculum for Wales was to be found in the remnants of the national curriculum for England, which had been applied to Wales for decades as a form of curricular template. Over the years, slight adaptations to the curriculum were made, but these adaptations were of more of an interpretive measure than a specific modification of the curriculum itself. These adaptations were born from the same vein of national pride and cultural preservation that were evidenced in the work of Owen and Edwards in years prior. In addition, as with Jones, Charles, Owen, and Edwards, they were also formed through the genuine desire to create in Wales a viable and sustained system of education in Wales. However, with the development and implementation of the Curriculum Cymreig, Wales has been able to not only meet this goal, but it has also served to differentiate its curriculum from the other curricula found in other nations of the UK. This differentiation lies in the cultural will of educators in Wales to preserve their cultural distinctiveness without relying on archaic, stereotypical notions of authentic Welshness. In addition, the Curriculum Cymreig speaks to the desire for educators to enable students to embrace not only their own interpretations and understandings of what it means to be Welsh, but to also develop an international perspective and recognition of a global connectedness to other nations and cultures. This illustrates a willingness for educators in Wales to not only learn from the lessons of the past, but to demonstrate a willingness to utilize developing theories and perspectives in embracing an educational position that strives to meet the needs of all their students. Wales continues to establish itself as a viable and capable nation, with many in Wales continuing to work for an independent nation. As such, the role of education as a method of self-improvement and cultural affirmation that has been established by previous educators, and not simply the four men briefly mentioned in this paper, still proves to serve as a meaningful source of personal empowerment that now enjoys a broader theoretical paradigm which is intended to not only serve the need for cultural recognition and personal development, but to illustrate the position each student possesses in a global community.

References

A.D. 1535 Anno vicesimo septimo Henrici VIII c. 26. (1536). Retrieved from http://owain.vaughan.com/1535c26/ on December 5, 2008.

Gitttins, C. (Ed.). (1954). Pioneers of Welsh Education. Swansea, Wales, UK: The Faculty of Education University College.

Government of Wales Act. (1998). Retrieved from http://www.statutelaw.gov.uk/ Home.aspx on November 25, 2008.

Government of Wales Act. (2006). Retrieved from http://wales.gov.uk/about/? lang=en on November 25, 2008.

Lingen, R., Symons, J. & Johnson, V. (1847). Reports of the Commissioners of Inquiry Into The State of Education in Wales, parts I, II, & III. London: Her Majesty’s Stationary Office.

Jenkins, D. (1986). Hywel Dda: The Law. Llandysul, Wales, UK: Gomer Press.

Jenkins, G. (2006). A Concise History of Wales. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.

Jones, B. (1986). Certain Scholars of Wales: The Welsh Experience in Education. Porthyrhyd, Wales, UK: The Drovers Press.

Jones, G. (Ed.). (1991). Education, Culture and Society. Cardiff, Wales, UK: University of Wales Press.

Jones, G. & Roderick, G. (2003). A History of Education in Wales. Cardiff, Wales, UK: University of Wales Press.

Jones, B, & Lewis, I (1995). A Curriculum Cymreig. Welsh Education Journal. 4, No. 2, 21-35.

Smith, K. (2007). Education as Liberation: Resisting Imperialism in African- American and Welsh Education. Unpublished Manuscript.

Williams, J. & Hughes, G. (Ed.). (1978). The History of Education in Wales, vol. 1. Swansea, Wales, UK: Christopher Davies Ltd.

Exploring Welshness via the School Curriculum

2009-02-04T15:02:00.002-05:00

This paper was my first attempt at a Critical Discourse Analysis. Like all papers, there are bits that need fixing and bits that don't. What I need to remind myself is that these experiences represent epochs of my learning and growth as a "scholar" (whatever that loaded term means), and that they don't necessarily mean now what they meant then.

Exploring Welshness via the School Curriculum:
A Critical Discourse Analysis of Guidance for Implementing
A “Curriculum Cymreig.”

Introduction
A study of Wales and life within its borders, in terms of national identity, is an exercise in hybridity, an exploration of liminal spaces and identities; a discussion of tensions stemming from discourses and practices which reproduce and perpetuate ideologies relating to (among other topics) nationality, representation, and the power to identify one’s self. Although the population of Wales is comprised of people possessing varied ethnicities and nationalities, a fixed feature of the Welsh cultural landscape is “Welshness” – which is a difficult concept to define without treading into either overly modernistic, or deeply sentimental, notions of nationalism. Yet, in simple terms, it may be described as an affinity for all things Welsh; a longing for an association with Wales, and not only a desire to be represented as Welsh, but also feeling as if one possesses particular qualities which are drawn from and add to the cultural distinctiveness of Wales.

Perhaps, for some, the potency of Welshness, a term deeply associated with the word Hiraeth in the Welsh language (Cymraeg), is formed from the colonial history of the nation. Many debates still rage as to whether Wales is postcolonial , post-colonial, or whether contemporary Wales even possesses any characteristics of what can be regarded as a postcolonial body. This study was not intended to specifically address or advance such arguments. However, it was conducted from the perspective of Wales being identified as a postcolonial and post-colonial body, but that the former designation resists the traditional British model of colonization and conquest. Admittedly, a robust discussion of the postcolonial nature of Wales is outside of the scope of this paper. However, the goals of this study depended upon the understanding that Wales possesses what I describe as an irregular postcolonial disposition. Specifically, that is a postcolonial disposition comprised of more than recorded historical incidents of invasion and domination, but one that also includes themes of cooperation, identification, complicity, and hybridization, in addition other traditional themes such as marginalization and “otherness.” Purposefully pushing past existing and accepted limits of what it means to be a postcolonial entity allows room for the use of a postcolonial framework as a method of critique of the cultural, social, and political interferences that occur over the course of colonial episodes that do not fit into neatly established schema and easily identifiable categories. An irregular postcolonial disposition speaks to an acknowledgement of the historical events that occurred, as well as the social structures and institutions – coupled with the discourses and discursive practices within and around such structures – that result from colonial and postcolonial entanglements. From such entanglements come the complications of ideological assumptions which have been vaulted from the veiled miasma surrounding social structures into the living lexicon of contemporary speech and text, as well as the choreography of social and political maneuvers and practices within a nation in which colonization features so prominently in its historical composition. I turn to Raymond Williams to underscore this distinction:

“This was my saddest discovery: when I found that in myself – and of course by this time I had been away and through a very different experience – in myself that most crucial form of imperialism had happened. That is to say, where parts of your mind are taken over by a system of ideas, a system of feelings, which really emanate from the power centre. Right back in your own mind, and right back inside the oppressed and deprived community, there are reproduced elements of the thinking and feeling of that dominating centre. These become the destructive complexities inside what had once seemed a simple affirmative mood.”

And so it is, that at the heart of this study was a desire to focus on public education as a structure in which culture is distributed and reproduced (Apple, 2004) through discourses and practices that transpire within and around that institution. Specifically, I was interested in studying “culturally sensitive” curriculum content and analyzing data, such as lesson plans and written case studies of classroom experiences, in an effort to better understand the discourses which contributed to the creation of these curricular materials and the possible implications of such discourses in expressing Welshness in public schools in Wales.

Background Information
The historical account of public education in Wales is a story that is not only a history of the development of public education in Wales, but also of how Welshness is regarded in terms of education and cultural reproduction and distribution. Although Wales was wholly integrated into the British state through the Acts of Union (1536-1542), and in spite of the endeavors of the Welsh Trust and Society for the Promotion of Christian knowledge in the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries, no to mention the Circulating Schools of the Nonconformist movement in the latter eighteenth century, there is some difficulty establishing a national educational system in Wales until the 19th century. (Jones, 2006) Once a national system was in place in the early nineteenth century, it was an English system – comprised of the English language and Anglo-centric curriculum content, methods, and learning goals – which would remain in effect until 1999 with the formation of the National Assembly for Wales. Prior to the transfer of control to the National Assembly for Wales, the English governance of education in Wales served as an arena for cultural and political nationalism within Wales, with the prime example being the Report of the Education Commissioners into the State of Education in Wales, in 1847. Broadly referred to in Wales as the “Treachery of the Blue Books,” the report contained descriptions of the educational inadequacies in Wales, as well condemnations from its authors of the Welsh for ‘lying, theft and immorality, occasioned in part by the opportunities afforded by late nights at Nonconformist gatherings.” (Jones, Pg.268, 2006) Later, discriminatory educational policies, such as “Welsh Not” (a policy in which students were punished for speaking Welsh in school) would elevate the rhetorical to the practical. In both instances, surges of Welsh nationalism occurred, but they seemed to have occurred without making any substantial or transformative changes in the educational system and its treatment or view of the Welsh.

When the National Assembly for Wales assumed control for public education in Wales in 1999, episodes such as “The Blue Books” and “Welsh Not” were readily fixed in the minds of Welsh educators, administrators, and policy-makers. As the national curriculum was developed, special care was taken in order to develop and maintain a strong sense of Welshness in students in Wales. Although the Curriculum Cymreig had been in existence since the late 1980's, in 2003 the Curriculum Cymreig (Y Cwricwlwm Cymreig) was introduced as an initiative that would compliment the national curriculum and allow students to “understand and celebrate the distinctive quality of living and learning in Wales in the twenty-first century, to identify their own sense of Welshness and to feel a heightened sense of belonging to their local community and country.” (Developing the Curriculum Cymreig, Pg. 4, 2003)
In 2003, the Awdurdod Cymwysterau, Cwricwlwm ac Asesu Cymru (ACCAC) or the Qualifications, Curriculum and Assessment Authority for Wales published Developing the Curriculum Cymreig, a document designed to give guidance to teachers in implementing the Curriculum Cymreig, which was introduced by the Curriculum Council for Wales in 1988. Multiple examples are provided throughout the document in an effort to illustrate to how this relationship can be developed. I chose one of the examples provided in this document as the body of data to be analyzed in this study.

Theoretical Background
The analysis of the text included in this study was completed utilizing methods and concepts of Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) developed by Fairclough (1995), Gee (1999), and Van Dijk (1993), with this method of exploration situated a broader, postcolonial framework. The use of CDA suggests that multiple discursive formations are present within social institutions, and these formations contribute to the normalization of ideologies which promote certain ideological assumptions to the level of common-sense knowledge. (Fairclough, 1995) Thus a critical approach recognizes not only the significance of structures or individuals, but rather the significance of structures, agents, and the discursive practices which reproduce structures and normalize ideological assumptions. From this perspective, CDA acknowledges that “structures are not only presupposed by, and necessary conditions for, action, but are also the products of action; or, in a different terminology, actions reproduce structures.” (Fairclough, Pg.35, 1995 emphasis in original) As a result, a critical discourse analysis involves the relationship between ‘micro’ actions or events and their contribution to the reproduction of ‘macro’ structures.
Consequently, the objective of CDA can be described as the revealing of ideological assumptions that operate both explicitly and implicitly within written text and the spoken word, and through the unveiling of these assumptions we may recognize our subjectification to certain forms of power and control, as well as better understanding our own possession and implementation of power and influence. CDA enables one to peer through the opacity of the power-relations found in the discursive practices and texts of social and cultural structures, and assists in informing us how the indistinct features of these relationships bolster the presence and alignment of power and hegemony. (Fairclough, 1995)

CDA can also be a powerful method of exploration in an educational setting due to its alignment with critical awareness and its potential to make transparent the obscured relationships between discursive practices, texts, and social and cultural structures. For example, such analyses lend themselves to Freire’s concept of conscientization in which one eliminates obstacles to change through recognizing the structures that may obscure our vision and inhibit our agency (Freire, 2005). In so doing, educators and students alike may attempt a transformation of their learning and living experiences through a critical analysis of the discourses and practices in which they participate. In understanding the ways in which ideology and curriculum coexist within the realm of public education, Apple (Pg.22, 2004) speaks to the necessity of analyzing the discourses and discursive practices occurring in educational spaces.

“The idea that ideological saturation permeates our lived experience enables one to see how people can employ frameworks which both assist them in organizing their world and enable them to believe they are neutral participants in the neutral instrumentation of schooling (as well as see much of the language employed by educators in fact does), while at the same time, these frameworks serve particular economic and ideological interests which are hidden from them.”

Thus, this study was undertaken with the objective of seeking to uncover ideological assumptions that are contained within the written text of Developing the Curriculum Cymreig, and to investigate the discourses and practices which contribute to the ways in which Welsh identity is communicated through a school’s curriculum.
In pursuing this end, it is important to understand the nature of the means through which ideologies are transformed into normalized bodies of knowledge and understanding. For this discussion I turn to Gramsci’s use of hegemony, which in very broad terms, speaks to the level of consent reached between the civic sphere and political society. (Gramsci, 1971) In addition, hegemony is not simply automatically possessed by the state, instead we must understand that in order for hegemony to be developed and maintained, it is “constructed and negotiated and that it has to take into account the interests of those groups over which it is to be exercised.” (Joseph, Pg.49, 2004) Thus through this interaction, the level of consent expressed between hegemonic and non-hegemonic entities can be viewed as a venue for the normalization of ideologies stemming from the discursive practices of both spheres. Furthermore, these ideologies are further reinforced through the self-sustaining actions of dominant groups which, through the processes of hegemonic influences which it employs, obscure their own interests within a veil of neutrality. Public education, as a component of the bloc of societal structures which develop and reproduce hegemonic influence, is no exception, “institutions of cultural preservation and distribution like schools create and recreate forms of consciousness that enable social control to be maintained without the necessity of dominant groups having to resort to overt mechanisms of domination.” (Apple, Pg.22, 2004) Thus hegemony is not solely exercised through explicitly designed strategies of domination stemming from one dominant group (or groups, although this scenario may certainly exist), but rather it comes in the actions, written texts, and oral speech acts exercised by the dominant groups and other societal agents and institutions in the processes of their ongoing and continuous negotiations of consent, power, and control.

In this regard, schools remain locations in which the perpetuation of ideological assumptions is made manifest in the name of curricular development, instruction, and assessment. Thus a critical study of the ways in which curricula are created, implemented, and the contained learning objectives assessed, can provide us with meaningful glimpses into the assumed neutrality of the school as a hegemonic force and distributor and reproducer of knowledge and cultural capital. Apple supports this position in writing the following passage:

“Neutrality is impossible because the knowledge disseminated in schools comes from a much larger universe of knowledge and principles. It is a form of cultural capital that comes from somewhere, that often reflects the perspectives and beliefs of powerful segments of our social collectivity. In its very production and dissemination as a public and economic commodity – as books, films, materials, and so forth – it is repeatedly filtered through ideological and economic commitments.” (Apple, Pg.8, 2004)

When considering the imperialistic interferences in Welsh education mentioned previously (the Blue Books of 1847 and “Welsh Not” policies) and their influences in regard to the perception of Welshness and effects on education in Wales as a whole, it is easy to understand how important a contemporary analyses of curricular documents and practices is in uncovering undetected ideologies which have remained obscured in the bureaucratic processes and structures of public education in Wales. Therefore, in response to this need, I endeavored to pay particular attention to emergent themes from within the data,, while at the same time seeking to reconcile any a priori allusions I may have possessed at the onset of the project. Throughout the course of the study I was reminded of the colonial history of Wales, its on-going relationship with England, and its post-colonial/postcolonial identity. Within this historical relationship are found themes of colonization and oppression, as well as instances of subsidiary support and grants of limited political autonomy. These interactions lend to the complication and obfuscation of the relationships between the discursive practices, texts, and structures found in Welsh society. Curriculum development, teaching and assessment, and the educational system in Wales are examples of such discursive practices and structures, elements which still impact the representation and communication of Welshness in public schools in Wales. As a result, a CDA of the ways in which Welsh identity is communicated through a culturally sensitive curriculum may reveal ways in which students and teachers can better understand the discourses which contribute to their understanding of Welshness as it is constructed, conveyed, and construed. As a result, through their critiques, students and teachers alike may become armed with a broader understanding of the intersections of the many factors which contribute to their sense of personal identification and what it means to be an individual with the power to choose what it means to be Welsh .

The Researcher and Why I Study the Curriculum Cymreig
As an educator and researcher, I have an avid interest in understanding the different aspects of social life which both contribute to, and interfere with, socially just and liberating educational practices and strategies in schools. As the son of a Welsh immigrant, the discussions I’ve had with my mother over the years have greatly contributed to my interest in Wales, and specifically Welsh education. My mother was born in 1943 in a small village in the Rhymney Valley, and attended schools in Wales until she was sixteen. Many of the conversations I’ve had with my mother focused on her experiences as a child and student in Wales and what she was taught about her country.

During these occasions, I asked my mother what she could remember from her experiences as a student in Wales that related directly to Welsh culture and what it meant to be Welsh. In every instance the answer was nearly the same. She mentioned stories of King Arthur and Merlin. She would also talk about learning how to say ”Bore Da” (good morning), “Nos Da” (good night), and how to count to ten in Welsh. She would also mention learning about Llewelyn, but she wasn’t sure which one .” Other than these precious few memories, everything else she recalls from her years in school in Wales was decidedly English in origin. Her education in Welsh culture came primarily from life outside of school with a Welsh-speaking grandfather living at home, and the stories of politically active relatives who generations before, would secretly slip away in the dark of night to clandestine union meetings held in the churches and pubs in the village. It seemed her “official” education of Wales and what it meant to be Welsh was framed in fragments of a nearly dead-language, and was full of dead princes and mythological figures. However, her sense of Welshness, how she identified with Wales, was largely shaped by the experiences she learned about, and experienced first-hand, outside of the classroom.

My own sense of Welshness has been built upon the foundation established through the conversations with my mother, and then later fortified through my own personal and academic pursuits. Over the years, I have watched with interest the devolutionary process in Wales unfold. Through my studies I eventually discovered the Developing the Curriculum Cymreig document published by the ACCAC. As I read the document for the first time, I thought of the educational experiences of my mother and the ways in which Welshness was presented to her in an official educational space. From this initial curiosity, I decided to further study the document in order to better understand the ways the communication of Welshness had changed from the time my mother attended school in Wales. This experience, coupled with my interest in understanding how discourses and discursive practices affect the ways in which we perceive ourselves and the world, served as the impetus for action regarding this study.

Data & Analysis
The data analyzed in this paper were taken from Developing the Curriculum Cymreig which was produced and distributed by ACCAC. The particular document I analyzed was downloaded in PDF form from the website for the ACCAC (http://accac.org.uk/). The ACCAC is the principal advisory body on matters relating to education and qualifications for the National Assembly for Wales and is a division of the Department of Education, Lifelong Learning, and Skills (DELLS). The Curriculum Cymreig is one of many curriculum initiatives developed and managed by the ACCAC and serves a specific role as a central component of the uniqueness that differentiates the National Curriculum for Wales from other national curricula found in educational institutions throughout the United Kingdom. As stated on the ACCAC website (http://old.accac.org.uk/eng/content.php?mID=263, 2008), the Curriculum Cymreig is designed to assist educators in helping students to meet the following objectives:

- Understand and celebrate the distinctive quality of living and learning in Wales in the twenty-first century
- Identify their own sense of Welshness
- Feel a heightened sense of belonging to their local community and country.

Information provided on the website further states that the Curriculum Cymreig can also “help to foster in pupils an understanding of an outward-looking and international Wales.” Specifically, this study contains an analysis of one of the case studies included in the Developing the Curriculum Cymreig. As stated in the guidance, “The following case studies give outline examples of good practice in schools in Wales. They provide some ideas for teachers who wish to identify opportunities for the development of a Curriculum Cymreig in a subject or a school.” (Developing the Curriculum Cymreig, Pg. 16, 2003)

The case study I chose for this study was intended as an example of how Welsh cultural components could be used in conjunction with the existing English curriculum for Key Stage 2 (years 3 – 6). The case study was brief, with a total of 504 words spread out over two pages of text. The case study was included in a section titled “How Can Schools Promote the Curriculum Cymraeg?” As mentioned previously, this document was produced to help teachers and administrators in schools in Wales to implement and promote the Curriculum Cymraeg. However, the methods of implementation and promotion seem to be mandated as opposed to suggestions and do not encourage interaction between the school staff and the ACCAC. For example, although the words, “An invitation to schools” are situated in the center of the page in bold, teal lettering, the ACCAC (identified in text beneath the title as “the Authority”), in using a question as the title for this section, engages in a close-circuited conversation with itself; asking questions it produces with answers it provides.

In visual terms, the pages containing the case study are framed with bright yellow borders at the top and bottom of the page with the words English:KS2 centered at the top of the page and the word “How?” situated directly beneath it at the bottom of the page. Although this signifies to the reader what section of the document they are reading, it also perpetuates the Authority’s silent conversation mentioned previously. The title of the case study is foregrounded with the words “Working with a storyteller” typed in a bold, teal font. In addition, throughout the case study, other words and phrases are highlighted in the same color (although they are not emphasized in bold). These examples include the contact information for Academi – the organization through which the storyteller was arranged, curricular objectives and learning goals which are highlighted with teal bullet points, and a quote from the teacher describing the benefits of the workshop which is presented entirely in the teal-colored font.

In foregrounding the relationship between interactions with Welsh cultural components (the title “working with a storyteller”), the existing national curriculum (curricular objectives), and positive learning outcomes (the teacher’s assessment), the Authority endeavors to emphasize a coherent method of promoting the Curriculum Cymreig that is accepted and conducted through an uncomplicated union of the school and curricular authoritative body . Although this is intended to serve as a type of testimonial to the effectiveness of the case study as a successful solution to the problem of promoting the Curriculum Cymreig, the question of how well this particular case study enables students to interact with “Welshness” still remains. For example, specific references to the curricular learning objectives make up the majority of the document with explicit references to Wales and/or specific Welsh cultural components comprising only a few sentences. Through these sentences, 104 of the 504 words used in the document supported the inclusion of Welsh-specific activities, or activities in which students were encouraged to contribute to the curriculum utilizing personal details and experiences. More importantly, there were missed opportunities to connect “storytelling” – a cultural feature that occurs in cultures throughout the world – and the bardic tradition of Wales; a Celtic tradition that can be a particularly poignant tool in communicating a distinctive aspect of Welsh heritage, even with younger students. Bards feature prominently in Welsh literary history. Famous figures from Taliesin in the sixth century to Jac Glan-y-Gors (who created the character Dic Sion Dafydd in a series of satirical ballads) in the eighteenth century represent a distinct Welsh identity underscored with a resistance against the forces which sought to marginalize Welsh culture. (Jenkins, 2007 and Aaron, 2005) Historically, bards assisted in the development, reproduction, and communication of aspects of Welsh culture, as well as motivational forces in Welsh resistance against hegemonic interference. (Aaron, 2005)

In the case study, the first paragraph of this study begins with the sentence, “A primary school in North Wales employed a professional storyteller to spend a day with its Year 6 pupils exploring some Welsh folk tales.”(Pg.17) The similarities between this experience and that of historical bards are striking. Aaron describes the role of historical Welsh bards in the following text: “As professionals employed by the dynastic princes and nobles of Wales, it was the job of the bards to maintain and develop, in so far as they could, the good name of their lords and the esteem in which they were generally held.” (Aaron, 2005) In the contemporary setting of this case study, one may see the “Authority” serving as the role of the dynastic prince, while the “storyteller” assumes the role of the bard. One striking aspect of this analogy is the fact that the ACCAC privileges the term “storyteller” (a rather general, non-descriptive term) over that of “bard,” (a name which carries with it a level of cultural significance in Wales), and in so doing, the Authority fails to acknowledge any explicit connection between the “professional storyteller” and the historical bard, while at the same time employing the professional storyteller to fulfill much of the same responsibilities given to bards in their day; specifically to “maintain and develop, in so far as they could, the good name of their lords and the esteem in which they were generally held.” As an employee of the school, and in assisting the school in meeting the curricular objectives established by the ACCAC, the professional storyteller affirms the Authority’s position as a body of expert knowledge in not only curriculum development and design, but also in ways in which Welshness is to be defined and distributed to students in Wales. In this sense, the professional bard is assisting the Authority in unwittingly masking the presence of a form of the bardic tradition in modern-day Wales.

In contrast to the invisibility of the Welsh bard, the case study does mention the inclusion of “…versions of a tale relating to the derivation of a local place name and an episode of The Mabinogion,” as part of the teaching materials used in the storyteller’s workshop. In addition, the students’ reactions to this material are described in the following passage: “Apart from their evident enjoyment of the skills of the storyteller, the pupils also responded to the familiarity of the settings, landscapes, place names and characters featured in these tales.” (Pg.17) In this sentence, a distinction can be made between the phrase “the familiarity of…” and an alternative phrase such as “the students’ familiarity.” Using “the familiarity of…,” which provides a certain characteristic to places and things, connotes a sense of a low-lying and ubiquitous awareness, while specifically addressing “students’ familiarity” could suggest a specific knowledge – a purposeful desire to know, and an engagement and sense of knowing exercised by the students. As such, the text implicitly suggests the presence of these folk cultural components as tacitly known information – a background schema of cultural references that have been intermediated by social, cultural, and political influences which are exacerbated through discourses and practices which both come from, and contribute to, structural hegemonic entities associated with education in Wales.

Apart from analyzing the text that is included in this case study, particular attention must be paid to what is not included. The main purposes and goals of the project are detailed specifically in the case study and make up the majority of the text. The text is replete with descriptions of the students and teachers actively engaged in the workshop and joyfully meeting the learning objectives. No mention is made of possible conflicts, complications, or difficulties that may arise in the implementation of the Curriculum Cymreig. Financial issues (hiring a storyteller), organizational issues (working with Academi or other organizations), and other complications such as staff and faculty concerns are not addressed and no attempts are made at acknowledging the difficulties teachers and administrators may face in implementing a Curriculum Cymreig. The absence of strategies schools may use to face difficulties in implementing this program suggests the Authority fails to recognize the complications associated with exploring Welshness, and instead relies on assumed notions of what it means to be Welsh and existing methods in determining and communicating Welshness. As a result, a critical and nuanced understanding of Welshness is stifled and the student excavation of Welshness and its relationship to their identity is left incomplete.

Discussion & Conclusions
The ACCAC has taken the first steps in a long and difficult transformational process by implementing a curricular initiative with the aim of supporting the indigenous culture of Wales while at the same time embracing the diverse cultural characteristics of students in Wales. However, irrespective of the virtues of such a program, an analysis of the language used in creating, communicating, and supporting such a project must be conducted in order to recognize the latent ideologies which undermine its effectiveness and ability to be a truly transformational initiative. As illustrated in this brief analysis, a reluctance to fully engage with the cultural components of Wales still exists. This analysis suggests that alignment to the curricular components of the KS2 English curriculum have greater weight and import than an explicit and rich exploration of the cultural components of Wales and how these aspects of Welsh culture can be shared and experienced with a non-homogenous study body.

Moreover, instances such as the inability to explicitly link historical aspects of Welsh culture (the bardic tradition) with contemporary practices (the professional storyteller), while at the same time privileging to a large degree the alignment of such a project to the national curriculum over the cultural content of the project, places Welshness at the background of the educational experience in Wales. As such, the hegemonic influences of the existing the historical imperial ideologies are still a potent part of Welsh education. Much like the Acts of Union, in which Wales became an official part of Great Britain but Welshness did not, Welsh “settings, landscapes, place names and characters,” (somewhat static components of Wales that are, as in the case study, presented as items living in the past or in mythological tales), are included in the culturally sensitive curriculum in Wales, while actual examples of Welshness which have the potential to be dynamic examples of how ancient traditions and practices have survived and continue to have a meaningful impact in contemporary Wales, did not. Occurrences like this demonstrate the disempowering of Welshness by framing it in a fixed past; a direct contradiction to the aims of Developing the Curriculum Cymreig. As a result, the exploration of Welshness and its relationship to other cultures and ethnicities is largely ceremonial and seems to be designed to satisfy the political requirements of having a culturally significant curriculum without actually providing students in Wales a genuine learning experience which involves Welshness. In effect, the hegemonic influences concealed within the educational structures in Wales satisfy the desire of those who seek a meaningful interaction with their personal identity and the concept of Welshness through offering an initiative which seems viable, but in all actuality only allows a superficial investigation of Welshness and Welsh culture while the bureaucratic needs of the educational system have been met.

References
(2008). Wales’s Population – A Demographic Overview. Retrieved on August 8, 2008 from http://new.wales.gov.uk/docrepos/40382/40382313/statistics/population/ pop2008/2088373/walespop08e5.pdf?lang=en.

(2003). Developing the Curriculum Cymreig. Retrieved on June 16, 2008 from http:// accac.org.uk/uploads/documents/216.pdf

Aaron, J. (2005). Bardic Anti-colonialism. Appearing in Postcolonial Wales, J. Aaron & C. Williams, Pages 137-158. Cardiff:Wales. University of Wales Press.

Apple, M. (2004). Ideology and Curriculum, 3rd Ed. New York:NY. Routledge.

Fairclough, N. (1995). Critical Discourse Analysis: Papers in the Critical Study of Language.London:England. Longman.

Gee, J. (2007). An Introduction to Discourse Analysis Theory and Method, 2nd Ed. New York:NY. Routledge.

Gramsci, A. (1971). Selections from the Prison Notebooks. London:England. Lawrence and Wishart.

Jenkins, G. (2007). A Concise History of Wales. Cambridge:England. Cambridge University Press.

Jones, G. (2006). Education and Nationhood in Wales: An Historiographical Analysis. Journal of Educational Administration and History, Vol. 38, No. 3, December 2006, pp. 263-277.

Joseph, J. (2003). Social Theory:An Introduction. New York:NY. New York University Press.

Van Dijk, T. (1995). Opinion and ideologies in editorials. Retrieved on August 1, 2008 from http://discoursein-society.org/editoria.html.

Leadership as a Method of Agency

2009-02-04T14:56:00.002-05:00

This is a paper that was meant to be a short treatise on certain characteristics of leadership. I hate it when people say "leadership is this... leadership is that..." Leadership is what it is. I'm not sure that leadership possesses certain qualities as much as people possess qualities which they employ in their degree of leadership. In any case, this paper has bits and pieces that I like, and bits and pieces that I don't. To be honest, I was asked to identify components of "leadership" and then write about them. I satisfied that part of the requirement, but I'm sure that that requirement satisfies me.

Leadership as a Method of Agency

The purpose of this paper is to add a distinctive element to the growing body of work on leadership. The scope of this paper does not include an exhaustive or all-encompassing definition of leadership. Nor is it an attempt to make concrete the various components of leadership as a singular template that can be applied to a variety of people in a variety of settings. Instead, this paper focuses on the concept of leadership as a “method of agency” – that is, a method of considering choices and then realizing such choices within the context in which we mean to affect change (or transformation).

For this discussion, I utilize Freire’s differentiation between being and existence (Freire, 1985) as a tool in understanding the concept of transformational leadership as it is used in this paper. As Freire states, being consists of being in the world, but not with the world, while existence implies both states of consciousness (Freire, 1985). Being does not allow for the critical reflection and ability to transform one’s reality while existence demands these things. Freire writes, “To exist is thus a mode of life that is proper to the being who is capable of transforming, of producing, deciding, of creating and communicating himself [sic]” (Freire, p. 68, 1985), and it is through our ability to objectify, affect, and transform our reality that we achieve consciousness of our existence. Simply put, I suggest that transformative leadership is the method of agency through which we actualize our existence. Additionally, while Freire positions this discussion of existence on the larger scale of humanity, he also aligns this philosophical perspective to education, and it is the educational environments of public, private, and charter schools, as well as areas of higher education including colleges and universities, that serve as the context for which I situate this concept of leadership.

In any setting, our existence is actualized by the choices we make, and our capacity for leadership is evidenced through the means in which we exercise our agency in achieving certain goals. From this perspective I argue that leadership is not a condition of living reserved for a chosen-few, but instead is a practice exercised by all resulting in various degrees of success. However, not all forms of leadership are equal, and transformative leadership – a process which privileges adaptive solutions over technical solutions (Larson & Ovando, 2001), is accomplished through making deliberate, critically informed choices that bring those who seek transformative change closer to their goals. In addition, as part of this treatise on leadership, I suggest five words or “roles of leadership” which I attach to strategies for such decision-making that assist us in actualizing our existence in the world as we seek to make positive, critically-informed, transformative changes in our respective educational settings.

The Roles of Leadership
Seer. Traditionally, a seer is someone who possesses a distinct form of knowledge or wisdom formed from an ability to perceive that which exists beyond the “normal” limits of perception. In this section, I suggest the role of Seer is composed of at least two domains: Vision and Perspective. Visions serve as motivational tools that encourage us to work towards achieving our goal. Moreover, sharing our vision allows us to de-center ourselves within that work. Consequently we can perceive and appreciate the talents of others, the impact of their work, and the possibilities that unfold when a vision is strengthened by the faith of those who share in our vision (Kouzes & Posner, 2003). This is a particularly poignant event when practiced by teachers and students. However, this perspective does not occur automatically. Deliberate action is required to gain a fuller understanding of the complex dimensions attributed to transformational leadership. Heifetz and Linsky (2002) liken this action to a dance wherein leaders both participate and observe. Adept leaders soon not only view the dance, but they also perceive their participation and all aspects of the dance as well. Those familiar with the work of Freire may find similarities between this concept and that of Praxis, which is the fusion of theory and practice as each informs the other (Freire, 2006). Furthermore, Praxis is informed by Conscientization in which one eliminates obstacles to change through recognizing the structures that may obscure our vision and inhibit our agency (Freire, 2005).

Exampler. An exampler is someone who instructs, illuminates, and inspires through demonstrating the virtues of the change they seek to create. Not only does an exampler validate the struggle for change through their integrity and commitment, but an exampler also acknowledges leadership as an educative act (Larson & Ovando, 2001); an act in which transformation occurs through a shared-process of learning and not necessarily through an applied or coercive shift in the dominant paradigm. Examplers demonstrate the potential of change through the incorporation of the values found in their transformational vision into practice. Gandhi’s often-quoted saying, “You must be the change you wish to see in the world” (B’Hahn, p.6, 2001), speaks directly to this point,

Advocate. An advocate negotiates the difficulty of transformational work on behalf of those who face such struggles. This is done through a keen understanding of the paradigmatic landscape in which they work, as well as an appreciation of the interpersonal spaces which not only exist between the agents of change, but their opposition as well. Heiftetz and Linksy write, “One of the distinguishing qualities of successful people who lead in any field is the emphasis they place on personal relationships” (p.75, 2002). This does not mean that the advocate assumes the place of the individual, but rather the advocate consoles, supports, and intercedes upon the part of those who work towards their shared vision. In addition, an advocate surveys the setting as he or she devises stratagems, creates alliances, and observes the activities of the opposition. This is framed in not only a concern for the well-being of the movement, but also in the well-being of those who struggle within the movement. In an educational setting, examples of advocacy are found in those who resist the “banking concept of education” (Freire, p.7, 2006), and instead recognize the individuality and humanity of the student; paying respect to the “invention and re-invention… the restless, impatient continuing, hopeful inquiry human beings pursue in the world” (Freire, p.72, 2006).

Enabler. An enabler is an individual who understands that we can’t affect change without letting change affect us. Thus, an enabler not only participates in the activities of the movement, but he/she also seeks to help others to participate in the movement in meaningful ways. Through understanding the talents and ability of others, as well as the opportunities to further these characteristics through engaging in the process of change, an enabler recognizes the opportunity for growth existing in the context of shared-power. In addition, enablers protect their own ability to be insulated from distractions and fatigue and also allows for more transparency within the organization in which they are involved. It makes sense that schools would possess a high number of enablers, particularly as teachers adopt democratic and progressive methods of instruction. For example, Gutmann (p.46, 1999) states that democratic education “appreciates the value of education as a means of creating (or co-creating) cohesive communities and of fostering deliberative choice without elevating either of these partial purposes to an absolute or overriding end.”

Provocateur. Compelled by the urgency of their visions, provocateurs set theory into motion. Provocateurs rely on exploration, critical thought, and other tools in which they challenge existing methods and processes. They test, explore, and investigate ways in which they can engage the difficulties they face with new and inventive strategies that are charged with the transformative elements they seek to establish in place of the current paradigm (Kouzes & Posner, 2003). As such, they also recognize that with transformation come inherent risks and dangers (Heifetz & Linsky, 2002). However, successful provocateurs utilize the other roles of leadership described above as a means of overcoming such difficulties.

Closing
As mentioned previously, this paper is not an attempt to fully define and locate leadership into a particular concept that is to be acquired or received. Instead, my intention is to demonstrate that everyone possesses the capacity for leadership through their willingness to embrace their existence as agents of change; those who are willing to reflect, critique, and engage the world around them. Granted, for many certain obstacles and conditions may arise that make the process of identifying and recognizing these qualities a daunting challenge. However, it is exactly during these trials and travails that these qualities are needed.

References
B'Hahn, C. (2001). Be the Change You Wish To See: An interview with Arun Gandhi. Reclaiming Children and Youth [Bloomington] Vol.10, No. 1 (Spring 2001) p. 6

Freire, P. (2005) Education for Critical Consciousness. New York, NY: The Continuum International Publishing Group Inc.

Freire, P. (2006). Pedagogy of the Oppressed: The Thirtieth Anniversary Edition. New York, NY: The Continuum International Publishing Group Inc.

Freire, P. (1985). The Politics of Education: Culture, Power, and Liberation. South Hadley, MA:Bergin & Garvey Publishers, Inc.

Freire, P. (2006). Teachers as Cultural Workers: Letters to Those Who Dare to Teach. New York, NY: Westview Press.

Gutmann, A. (1999). Democratic Education. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press

Heifetz, R. & Linsky, M. (2002). Leadership on the Line: Staying Alive through the Dangers of Leading. Cambridge, MA:Harvard University Press.

Heifetz, R. (1998). Leadership Without Easy Answers. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.

Larson, C. & Ovando, C. (2001). The Color of Bureaucracy: The Politics of Equity in Multicultural School Communities. Belmont, CA:Thompson Learning Inc.

Kouzes, X. & Posner, X. (2003). The Leadership Challenge.

An Opportunity Lost

2009-02-04T14:30:00.003-05:00

This is a work in progress, and it is addressing issues that are probably too big for this paper. I tend to approach very large objects and could use a better job in picking exactly what it is that I want to discuss. But, then again, I am a "student" a "learner" - I can make mistakes as long as I continue to learn from them. What I need is the wisdom to recognize and honestly engage with the learning process.

An Opportunity Lost: Education that is Multicultural and Social Reconstructionist and the Curriculum Cymreig.

In the late 1980s and early 1990s, educational activists and policy makers in Wales developed and implemented a curricular initiative that would have a lasting impact on the nature of education in Wales. This fundamental shift in the creation and implementation of a new and distinct curriculum argued for a larger representation of Welsh culture in schools in Wales. In 1993, the Curriculum Council for Wales Advisory produced a document entitled Developing a Curriculum Cymreig, in which the rationale for this distinctive curriculum and its general characteristics were defined. The guidance suggested the following:

“The whole curriculum in Wales encompasses and reflects in its content or exemplification, both the English and Welsh language cultures in the country, and the whole range of historical, social and environmental influences that have shaped contemporary Wales.” (Developing a Curriculum Cymreig, 1993)

The Curriculum Cymreig continued to undergo further development and revision with an updated guidance produced by the ACCAC (Awdurdod Cymwysterau, Cwricwlwm ac Asesu Cymru or Qualifications, Curriculum and Assessment Authority for Wales), and as a result it has been redefined and refined to operate within the overall contemporary pedagogical orientation of the educational policies and institutions in Wales. The most current iteration of the Developing a Curriculum Cymreig document describes the Curriculum Cymreig as an overarching approach to education in Wales. In many cases, the Curriculum Cymreig has been mistakenly reduced to a policy that encourages teachers to incorporate aspects of Wales and Welshness into their courses, and the following statement from the ACCAC document does encourage teachers to thread Welsh themes into their lessons. “To develop such a curriculum, schools should provide and use relevant resources that have a Welsh dimension” (Developing The Curriculum Cymreig, p.4, 2003). However, although the explicit referencing to Wales and Welshness is a significant portion of the Curriculum Cymreig, the policy is much broader in scope.

“A Curriculum Cymreig helps pupils to understand and celebrate the distinctive quality of living and learning in Wales in the twenty-first century, to identify their own sense of Welshness and to feel a heightened sense of belonging to their local community and country. It also helps to foster in pupils an understanding of an outward-looking and international Wales, promoting global citizenship and concern for sustainable development.” (Developing the Curriculum Cymreig, p.4, 2003) As noted above, in addition to developing a sense of association and place with students, the ACCAC purports the Curriculum Cymreig also arms students with a sense of global citizenship. Again, according to the ACCAC, this occurs through incorporation of specific references to Wales into the Common Requirements – an aspect of the national curriculum for Wales. The Common Requirements are comprised of “a number of skills and knowledge areas which can be applied to all subjects” (Common Requirements, 2008). The statement addressing the Common Requirements in the ACCAC document purports that “Pupils should be given opportunities, where appropriate, to develop and apply knowledge and understanding of the cultural, economic, environmental, historical and linguistic characteristics of Wales” (Developing A Curriculum Cymreig, p. 4, 2003). Furthermore, without explicitly referring to multicultural education, the guidance frames the implementation of the Curriculum Cymreig as a philosophy that embraces a multicultural approach to education in Wales. For instance, while the original document produced in 1993 discussed only the Welsh and English language cultures, the most current version of the document positions the description of the purpose of the Curriculum Cymreig as a statement that is “deliberately inclusive and aims to reflect the plurality and diversity of Wales in the twenty-first century. Its requirements will help pupils to understand what is distinctive about life in Wales, to celebrate diversity and to acquire a real sense of belonging.” (Developing A Curriculum Cymreig, p. 4, 2003)

The ACCAC also identified five dimensions in which the Curriculum Cymreig satisfies the Common Requirements mentioned above. These include cultural, economic, environmental, historical and linguistic dimensions, and in the document, each dimension and its relationship to the Curriculum Cymreig are explored in detail. Aware of the possible misinterpretations of multicultural education, the ACCAC also provides a clear warning:

“Because Welsh society is very diverse, there can be no single view of what it is to be Welsh. People’s perceptions vary, often coloured by the way of life in their own particular region of Wales, its linguistic, cultural and economic background. Yet all the pupils in our schools share the common experience of living and learning in Wales. They are entitled to have this experience reflected in the school curriculum. Whatever the language of instruction all the five aspects of the Curriculum Cymreig need to be fully developed in all schools.” (Developing A Curriculum Cymreig, p.7, 2003)

This statement reflects the sociocultural aspect of education that I will discuss later on in this paper, and is an important element in understanding the difficulties and complexities involved in developing and implementing curricular initiatives that supposedly prescribe to a multicultural ethos. Finally, in one last statement of caution, the ACCAC admonishes educators not to be satisfied with a superficial interpretation of Wales and Welsh culture.

“Schools should be wary, however, of promoting a stereotypical view of Welshness. Wales has never been a homogenous society. The standard images of dolls in Welsh costume, red dragon flags, daffodils, castles and sheep have some value in helping to convey a sense of identity to younger pupils. If their use continues with older pupils, it gives a very false impression of Wales in the modern world.” (Developing A Curriculum Cymreig, p.8, 2003)

With the implementation of the Curriculum Cymreig come a multiplicity of questions regarding the theoretical foundations of the Curriculum Cymreig and the pedagogical dispositions of its architects. While the most recent version of Developing A Curriculum Cymreig includes implicit references to an education utilizing the progressive experiences of the student and the construction of the knowledge based on cognitive development theory, those who read this document are not exposed to the theoretical foundations that informed the authors and their advice for educators to successfully implement the Curriculum Cymreig in their schools. Furthermore, although admonitions are contained within the guidance regarding the over-simplification of Welsh culture and the tokenization of the aspects of “Welshness,” these cautions alone are not enough to position the Curriculum Cymreig as an inclusive and multicultural curricular initiative. In fact, without a far-reaching and articulated understanding of multicultural education and its relationship to the promotion of critical analysis skills in students,the implementation of the Curriculum Cymreig in schools may not only fail in meeting the aims of the initiative, but may also produce undesired effects on students’ understanding of “Welshness” and their relationship to it.

In Making Choices for Multicultural Education: Five Approaches to Race, Class, and Gender – 3rd ed., Sleeter and Grant (1999) discuss an approach to embracing and successfully incorporating concepts of multiculturalism and social justice into an educational environment. They refer to this approach as “Education that is Multicultural and Social Reconstructionist” (pg. 188). In explaining this educational perspective, they describe the concept as a component of the culture of a school; a philosophical perspective that permeates the school environment. I would further position it is a pedagogical armament that can be utilized through the constructs of the official curriculum, as well as having the possibility of being mobilized through the unofficial and hidden curricula (Jackson, 1968). These curricula exist as culturally and contextually-laden simulacra of a school’s carefully-written official curriculum.

In both Wales and the US, an official school curriculum is manifested in the creation of a document laden with objectives, standards, and benchmarks that have been disseminated to schools from a large political body which governs educational policies and its varied ancillary organizations. In addition, these curriculum documents are often intended to serve as what I would characterize as a “declaration of sound education.” However, with the focus of these documents bearing on measurable academic outcomes of the students served by the curricula, these educational and political constructs often fail to meaningfully address the sociocultural aspects of education. Generally speaking, official curriculum documents in the UK, while varying on many points, still bare a similar appearance to US curricula in terms of learning objectives and measurable academic outcomes. In both cases, even if the curricula found schools in the US and UK include more language addressing the sociocultural aspects of education, the “theoretical will” which underpins the curriculum must also be present for this language to have any real and significant meaning in educators’ and students’ lives.

In regard to the “theoretical will” of educators, Sleeter and Grant, state that those who utilize an “Education that is Multicultural and Social Reconstructionist” approach to education depend greatly on the values of multiculturalism and social reconstructionism. As such, they are concerned with the “elimination of oppression of one group of people by another.” In addition, by incorporating the goals of multicultural education, they desire to “reflect the concerns of diverse cultural groups” (Sleeter & Grant, p. 188, 1999, et. al) in an educational environment. As a point of clarity, I would like to situate the term “multicultural education” in a very specific context – in a particular understanding that speaks to the intent of “Education that is Multicultural and Social Reconstructionist.” Multiculturalism, from which multicultural education is derived, can elicit multiple responses from different audiences, and it has come to convey different meanings in different contexts. For the purpose of clarity, I refer to Banks’ definition of multicultural education which states, “Multicultural education tries to create equal opportunities for all students by ensuring that the total school environment reflects the diversity of groups in classrooms, schools, and the society as a whole” (Banks, p.4, 1994).

While this is an excellent point from which to approach the complexities involved with multiculturalism and education, I also must make clear that, labels and categories are simply not enough to meaningfully navigate, and eventually transform, the educational space in which these inequalities exist. I point to the complexity of multiculturalism discussed by West and Brown (1993) as an example. In an interview with Brown, West describes multiculturalism as “the language of bureaucrats” (pg.154, 1993), and although West notes that he may have to work under the term due to the nature of a particular struggle in which he may be involved, he does not accept multiculturalism as a whole because “it seems to be an obscuring term, obscuring the deeper intellectual issues…” (pg.154, 1993). West wishes to demystify issues obscured by the label of multiculturalism. The importance of peering through the opacity of bureaucracy and other social institutions is a critical element to an “Education that is Multicultural and Social Reconstructionist” because this critical view addresses issues of power and politics in both the educational and non-educational experiences of educators and students. In instances of oppression and inequality, it is the critical view which sees these inadequacies and the critical voice which calls for transformation of the regimes in which these injustices take place.

As mentioned above, critical analysis and a determination to peer through the obstructing veil surrounding social institutions is an important component in this approach to education. Freire (1985) has spoken at length about such activity, and has termed this process as conscientization. Freire describes conscientization as a means in which one eliminates obstacles to change through recognizing the structures that may obscure our vision and inhibit our agency (Freire, 2005). However, peering through the opaque landscape of structural obstacles is only part of the process, action is also required. The incorporation of theory and critique into our practice – basic principles of Freire’s concept of Praxis (Freire, 2006), is what differentiates the practical from the rhetorical and can position curriculum development processes that embrace multicultural and social reconstructionist principles into an area where meaningful transformation can take place. This enhanced perspective of the world allows individuals to perceive the presence of oppression in society and to better understand its characteristics, particularly as their cultural and individual characteristics exist in relation to these forms of oppression.

As part of a critical approach to multiculturalism, advocates of this approach to education also “want to identify with a more assertive and transforming educational position” (Sleeter & Grant, p. 188, 1999). In addition to recognizing the individuality of each student, and in appreciating the breadth of diversity amongst students as an asset in an educational environment, this approach to education and curriculum development speaks to the social aspect of the individuals in an educational setting as identified through the early theorists of the progressive movement in the 19th century. Take for example the themes of education deriving from social interaction which are prevalent in many areas of Dewey’s work. I specifically refer to My Pedagogic Creed, in which Dewey describes education as “coming to share in the social consciousness” (p. 80, 1897), meaning that students learn about the world, and their place in it, by realizing and understanding their identity as a member of a community. In addition, they become engaged in an educational process which includes deriving meaning in their lives through performing and understanding the roles, habits, and duties which correspond to being a member of that community. Quantz and Knight Abowitz describe further the individual’s interaction with the social and cultural aspects of education in the following statement:

“They come to share a culture. But education is not merely becoming enculturated into a articular community; it also involves individuals searching for their own meaning and place in their society. In this way, education is both individual and sociocultural, involving the unique part of our self and our private goals (fulfillment, knowledge, a job, spiritual enlightenment) as well as the sociocultural part of our self and our public goals (citizenship, communication, collaboration with diverse others).” (p. 1, 2007)

Therefore, in this paper, I will continue to position education as a sociocultural process. In addition, I assert that curricular initiatives must be derived from this definition of education as the core-component of a school’s curriculum, and that the curricular initiatives born from this pedagogical positioning must also contribute to an “Education that is Multicultural and Social Reconstructionist.” However, while this is an easy statement to make, the actual realization of this statement is much more difficult and complex. In this paper, I argue that the Curriculum Cymreig is an incomplete philosophy, an inadequate pedagogical exercise, if it does not specifically and actively engage in the theoretical positioning and calls-to-action that are associated with an “Education that is Multicultural and Social Reconstructionist.” Therefore, in this paper I will discuss my investigation of the advice provided by the ACCAC to educators in Wales on the implementation of the Curriculum Cymreig in schools in Wales. This discussion will consist of explicit references to Developing the Curriculum Cymreig (ACCAC, 2003) including curricular objectives and case-studies, as well as the article mentioned previously titled Education that is Multicultural and Reconstructionist by Sleeter & Grant (1998).

While the ACCAC document can not (and should not) attempt to prescribe to every school specific practices aimed at meeting the requirements of the Curriculum Cymreig, I argue that it must contain a theoretical rationale for the educational objectives contained therein, as well as a rationale that is broadly communicated to teachers underscoring the importance of developing an education that is “Multicultural and Social Reconstructionist.” From this position, I hope to provide a better understanding of the complications involved in implementing an education that is “Multicultural and Social Reconstructionist,” and also how this type of an approach to education can contribute to meeting of the objectives of the Curriculum Cymreig. Furthermore, I believe such an approach can eventually lead to engendering in students and educators a genuine multicultural perspective and finely developed sense of critical acumen and analysis.

Previously, I have described the overall goals and aim of the Curriculum Cymreig, as well as the tenets which uphold an “Education that is Multicultural and Social Reconstructionist.” In what follows, I will discuss how the recommended practices of establishing an education “That Is Multicultural and Social Reconstructionist” as outlined by Sleeter & Grant (1999) can enhance the guidance the ACCAC provides to educators for the implementation of the Curriculum Cymreig.

Practicing Democracy
Sleeter and Grant (1998) suggest that most schools in the US do not actively encourage democracy as part of the education of their students. They argue that lived practices of American society are in conflict with the ideals contained in the documents which frame the political and ideological characteristics of the US, and that the concentration of power in schools favors teachers so greatly that it largely disenfranchises students from actively engaging in their own education. Furthermore, they point out that investigations of democracy are usually observational in nature and end in merely reading the constitution and learning of the three branches of government.

In reading Developing the Curriculum Cymreig, references to democracy are presented in unempowered language which fails to communicate the urgency of having students fully-interact with democratic practices. In the section titled, “Where can the Curriculum Cymreig be promoted in the school curriculum?” a passage describing the Personal and Social Education Framework (PSE) states that PSE “offers many opportunities that can help pupils to understand the nature of communities in Wales and beyond, and to be active, informed, responsible citizens of Wales and the wider world” (Developing the Curriculum Cymreig, p. 11, 2003). This section then identifies how democracy is addressed through certain Key Stages in Welsh schools. The system of education in the UK utilizes six Key Stages (Key Stages 0 – 5) in determining what students should learn in school and at what ages they should learn it. The advice regarding democracy for these Key Stages is summarized below:

Key Stage Guidance
KS1 (ages 5-7) “Emphasise the need for knowledge and understanding of the local community and environment.”
KS2 (ages 7-11) Includes “the democratic decision-making process”
KS3/KS4 (ages 11-14 )/(ages 14-16) Includes “practical involvement in the community, specific knowledge about democratic systems and the development of a sense of personal responsibility towards the environment and to sustainable development.”

This is the only mention of democracy in the document, and the language used in discussing the curricular objectives is the same tired, idiomatic phrasing that corrals teachers and students into existing ways of thinking without encouraging them to develop new ways of exploring concepts like democracy. While the ACCAC shouldn’t dictate specific ways that educators teach about democracy, it should be explicit in stating the importance of practicing (not simply reading about) democratic processes in schools. Wales is a country which is still grappling with the political and economic effects of colonialism. In addition, it possesses a rapidly growing identity as a nation which provides refuge to a variety of asylum-seeking refugees. According to the Welsh Local Government Association, Wales is currently home to over 2000 refugees. As of June, 2008, refugees and asylum seekers comprise .3 per cent of the population in Wales with an increasing number of refuge seekers each year. (Asylum Seekers and Refugees in Wales, 2008). These issues, coupled with the fact that issues of immigration and asylum are still powers which have not devolved to the National Assembly for Wales, should encourage curriculum developers in Wales to embrace a more-powerful language and approach for students to learn about and experience democratic principles in schools. Banks underscores this importance with the following passage, “They must also develop a sense of political efficacy, and be given practice in social action strategies which teaches them how to get power without violence and further exclusion…” (Banks, p.149, 1981)

Analyzing the Circumstances of One’s Own Life
In order for an education to be “Multicultural and Social Reconstructionist,” students must possess and mobilize what Anyon (1981) describes as practical and theoretical consciousnesses. Sleeter & Grant (1998) refer to Anyon’s work in investigating the tensions students experience at school between theoretical consciousness, which is comprised of the communication of dominant ideologies that purport fairness, equal opportunity, and justice, and practical consciousness which “refers to one’s commonsense understanding of one’s own life.” Sleeter and Grant further state that, “Advocates of Education That Is Multicultural and Social Reconstructionist recommend that schooling help students analyze their own lives in order to develop their practical consciousness about real injustices in society and to develop constructive responses” (Sleeter & Grant, p.202, 1998, et. al)

The Developing the Curriculum Cymreig document contains many instances in which students are to draw upon their own experiences in order to meet various curricular objectives. These instances occur in the general description of the goals of the Curriculum Cymreig, as well as case studies which intend to demonstrate the successful implementation of the Curriculum Cymreig in a classroom setting. However, these instances of student reflection are framed more within a discourse of promoting learning outcomes associated with specific curricular standards than with that of a larger transformational agenda. Examples from the ACCAC document include instances of students drawing upon personal experiences in developing a story that they then share with the class (Key Stage 2) and drawing comparisons between students’ lives in Wales and that of students in other countries (Key Stage 3). Both examples utilized Welsh mythology from the Mabinogion, a collection of ancient Welsh myths, but to what degree are stories from the Mabinogion relevant to a student in Wales in terms of personal empowerment? How can these experiences allow students to analyze their own lives and develop their own responses to injustice and exclusion? In these examples, students are asked to draw upon personal experiences, but are they positioned as seeing themselves as empowered agents of change at home or in the world at large?

An example of students negotiating the tension between their theoretical and practical consciousness is provided in a case study involving a geography lesson at Key Stage 3. In this case study the teacher discusses the notion of Welshness and how it is represented and understood by students:

“It works differently each year depending on the cultural background of individual members of the class, but the important thing is for pupils to begin to challenge their own thinking and that of their fellow pupils. They begin to realise that some images presented are stereotypes.” (Developing The Curriculum Cymreig, p.38, 2003)

The teacher also mentions how this lesson is part of an ongoing approach to prepare students for their studies in geography in Key Stage 4. Although this is a positive example of challenging the assumptions of what it “means to be Welsh,” the question remains, does the Curriculum Cymreig possesses a robust, theoretical disposition that provides a directive for teachers in helping students challenge normalized assumptions? Does the guidance for the Curriculum Cymreig encourage a significant practice of understanding how these assumed ways of knowing are produced, reproduced, and distributed, as well as meaningful ways in which the destructive effects of these ideologies in our society can be eliminated?

Although examples of drawing upon student experiences are present in Key Stages 2 and 3, there is no mention of it in case studies for Key Stage 4. Addressing student empowerment and critical acuity are difficult concepts to address in the earlier Key Stages, but in Key Stage 4, students may be better prepared to develop these skills. In addition to an incomplete representation of personal reflection and analysis, the act of questioning curricular materials is missing entirely from Developing The Curriculum Cymreig. The Curriculum Cymreig should not be a means of simply including references to Welsh culture into the mainstream curriculum. It should involve the questioning, critiquing, and interrogation of curriculum materials that are purported to have relevance to students’ lives. This process of questioning and developing a response to these materials is an example of conscientization spoken of by Freire, where students are “learning to perceive social, political, and economic contradictions, and to take action against the oppressive elements of reality” (Freire, p.67, 1985). While references to cultural components of a society are important in an educational setting, this practice is a series of missed opportunities if it is not derived from lived social experiences of the students and does not involve the development of students’ capacity to think conceptually and critically.

Developing Social Action Skills
In discussing social action, Sleeter and Grant point to Bennett (1986) who defines social action as,”The knowledge, attitudes, and skills needed to help bring about political, social, and economic changes” (p.212). Bennett continues in underscoring that a genuine embrace of multicultural education means a willingness to address the political and social exclusion of marginalized groups (Bennett, 1986). The significance of these statements takes two immediate forms: (1) Although students are not expected to transform the inequalities of society, they can practice democratic principals within their own social spheres, as well as being prepared to live as socially actively and empowered citizens. (2) Schools are institutions in which values and ideologies are reproduced and distributed, and as such, educators and students must develop the skills and strategies necessary to eliminate the misleading claim to neutrality and understand the forces at work in educational institutions.

To this point, Apple (2004) writes, “Neutrality is impossible because the knowledge disseminated in schools comes from a much larger universe of knowledge and principles. It is a form of cultural capital that comes from somewhere, that often reflects the perspectives and beliefs of powerful segments of our social collectivity. In its very production and dissemination as a public and economic commodity – as books, films, materials, and so forth – it is repeatedly filtered through ideological and economic commitments.” (p. 8)

As such, we can not afford to allow our students to unblinkingly accept the claims conveyed through curriculum materials distributed to students without our being willing to accept, and be responsible for, the perpetuation of the injustices and inequalities already existing in our society. Instead, educators must work with students in critiquing these materials and claims and devising ways in which these oppressive elements can be successfully challenged.

Explicit references to social action are not found in Developing The Curriculum Cymreig, and the silence seems to indicate that either the task is left to the individual teachers who aspire to address social action in their classes, or that the notion of social action as a whole is not a meaningful consideration of the ACCAC. In either case, there is a lack of representation of social action in the administrative guidance and case studies in Developing The Curriculum Cymreig. This absence of transformative leadership only contributes to the difficulties teachers and students face in taking concepts existing only as theoretical, classroom constructs forward into living practice.

Coalescing
Simply put, coalescing involves creating ties and alliances between varying groups and organizations, and it is a distinctive component of an education that is “Multicultural and Social Reconstructionist” (Sleeter & Grant, p.154, 1998). The rationale for coalescing is reinforced by the acknowledgment that issues such as race, class, and gender are not discrete; instead they coexist and intersect in the lives of individuals throughout all societies. In establishing these issues as separate social projects, oppressive groups limit the power of the individuals they oppress and weaken their ability to mount that oppression. Coalescing then seeks to provide a network of resources which can serve to bolster the strength of these groups in their particular struggles.

Coalescing presents a challenge because struggles against oppression are already difficult, and when incorporating the views, needs, and agendas of varying groups into a unified body, inner struggles for control and representation can sometimes lead to a disempowering effect. While not specifically addressing issues of oppression or inequality, Developing The Curriculum Cymreig does refer to situations in which schools and organizations create relationships that provide greater access to resources which assist in delivering educational content which aligns with the goals of the Curriculum Cymreig. Examples are provided in which schools work with organizations such as Academi (the Welsh National Literature Promotion Agency and Society for Authors), the Engineering Education Scheme-Wales, and local businesses, governments, and religious groups in creating a variety of learning opportunities for students that possess a distinctive Welsh component. While the majority of these connections are with established groups that are not characterized as marginalized or at risk of exclusion, they are examples of ways in which schools and community organizations can work together in meeting the needs of their constituencies.

In addition to these connections between these groups, the ACCAC document also highlights interactions between Christian and Islamic religious groups in religious education lessons in Key Stage 2. While this interaction does not necessarily speak to the alliances mentioned above, it does speak to another important aspect of coalescing. This aspect of coalescing involves “using the school as a base for local social action projects that draw together diverse groups to accomplish something for the community” (Sleeter & Grant, p.207, 1998). In the case study in which these interactions were mentioned, the religious leaders discussed the different ways in which they observe the tenets of their faith in an effort to help students understand the benefits of the diversity of faith in their community. By explicitly incorporating a multicultural and social reconstructionist ethos regarding activities such as this into the Curriculum Cymreig, the ACCAC can further assist in situating schools throughout Wales as significant sites of community-building and coalescing.

Commonalities with Previous Approaches
An “Education that is Multicultural and Reconstructionist” is not a new style of curriculum development or form of instruction. Instead, it is an educational perspective which embraces many facets of pre-existing educational initiatives. The Curriculum Cymreig possesses many of the qualities that supporters of an “Education that is Multicultural and Reconstructionist” would appreciate. Bilingualism is a critical component to the Curriculum Cymreig, and a major initiative in the vision of the National Assembly for a genuinely bilingual Wales. Furthermore, it encourages cooperation amongst students and community members. In addition, it communicates a desire to eliminate stereotypical cultural representations. Finally, the Curriculum Cymreig discusses incorporating students’ experiences and backgrounds into the learning process.

However, what the guidance for the implementation of the Curriculum Cymreig does not make explicit are the ways in which the theories which contribute to the establishment of these initiatives are made relevant to the goals of the Curriculum Cymreig. Although the ACCAC has provided case studies and information for additional resources (including teaching materials made commercially available that align specifically to the Curriculum Cymreig) in incorporating the Curriculum Cymreig into a school’s particular curriculum and ethos, what it has failed to do in this guidance is provide a compelling theoretical rationale that elevates the Curriculum Cymreig above the common misconception that it is simply a Welsh-centric curriculum. The ACCAC must communicate a broader understanding of a curriculum that meets the needs of students in Wales in regard to their development of their own sense of Wales and their cultural relationship to it, while at the same time assisting them to develop the outward-looking and international perspective which supports the habits of global citizenship and social activity outlined in the introduction to Developing The Curriculum Cymreig (ACCAC, 2003).

Conclusion
In its current form, Developing the Curriculum Cymreig contains no explicit reference to the theoretical foundations from which the Curriculum Cymreig was formed. Whether these components of its creation were eroded over time as the guidance was revised to fit within new developments of the national curriculum for Wales, or whether they were purposefully selected and omitted as part of its political development is anyone’s guess. Whatever the case may be the absence of the theoretical underpinnings which formed the development and implementation of the Curriculum Cymreig undermines the ability of this document to effectively prepare educators to meet the goals and aims of the curriculum. The document seems to want to address the need for schools to embrace multicultural and transformative practices, but doesn’t provide clear guidelines in achieving these claims.
Instead, these concepts seem to be left to the individual schools and their curriculum developers, headteachers, teachers, staff, and students. But what if these concepts are not readily-apparent fixtures of the school’s ethos, or perhaps educators are interested in furthering these causes within their schools, but are not sure how to address this desire while working towards meeting the requirements for the Curriculum Cymreig? It is not enough to leave the business of transforming students into critically aware and social active citizens to the individual teachers. A clear and politically supported voice is necessary in not only firming up the pedagogical foundations of education in Wales, but in also allowing teachers to intellectually engage in the theorization and implementation of a socially viable and transformative curriculum.

By not providing a theoretical framework for educators to reference, or even access to the channels in which they can develop their own theoretical orientation and critical acumen in regard to the Curriculum Cymreig, the ACCAC contributes to the deprofessionalization and disempowerment of educators at work in Wales. Although many seminars, conferences, and ad-hoc groups have been formed over the years to discuss “best practices” in implementing the Curriculum Cymreig, the ACCAC weakens the efficacy of the initiative through separating it from any theoretical moorings – particularly those theoretical tethers that are critical in supporting a curriculum which embraces an education that is “Multicultural and Social Reconstructionist.” As a result, the ACCAC seemingly repudiates the stated goals and aims of its own curricular initiative and instead relies on bureaucratically-laden language and methods which obfuscate the transformational potential of the Curriculum Cymreig.

References
Apple, M. (2004). Ideology and Curriculum, 3rd Ed. New York:NY. Routledge.

Asylum Seekers and Refugees in Wales. (2008). Retrieved 30 November 2008 from http://www.wlga.gov.uk/english/dispersal-areas-for-asylum-seekers-wales/

Banks, J. (1981). Multiethnic Education: Theory and Practice. Boston: Allyn & Bacon.

Banks, J. (1994). Transforming the Mainstream Curriculum. Educational Leadership. May. pp.4-8

Common Requirements. (2008). Retrieved 25 November 2008 from http:// accac.org.uk/eng/content.php?mID=262.

Dewey, J. (1897, January). My Pedagogic Creed. School Journal, 54, 77-80

Developing A Curriculum Cymreig. (1993). Retrieved 25 November 2008 from http://accac.org.uk/eng/content.php?mID=262.

Freire, P. (2005) Education for Critical Consciousness. New York, NY: The Continuum International Publishing Group Inc.

Freire, P. (2006). Pedagogy of the Oppressed: The Thirtieth Anniversary Edition. New York, NY: The Continuum International Publishing Group Inc.

Hansen, D., Driscoll, M., Arcilla, R., Jackson, P. (2007). A Life in Classrooms. Philip W. Jackson and the Practice of Education. New York, NY: Teachers College Press

Knight Abowitz, K. & Quantz, R. (2007). Background Essay # 1:Understanding Education as a Cultural Process. Unpublished Essay.

Sleeter, C. & Grant, C. (1999). Making Choices for Multicultural Education: Five Approaches to Race, Class, and Gender. New York, NY: John Wiley & Sons, Inc..

What to do... what to do...

2009-01-26T18:24:00.001-05:00

Whew! I am SO busy. This semester is going to be a killer. I went to the EDL 204 lecture today. It was nice not having to teach. I enjoy it, but I also enjoy a day off. I have some stuff that is rattling around in my head and although I love teaching 204, I need to get this other stuff straightened out. I met with Dr. Quantz after the lecture today and discussed my independent study with him. THAT was really helpful. I have to admit, the success of my experience in Wales was compromised by a lot of factors. Overall, I did have a great experience, but when I look at what could have happened, I can see there are a lot of things that didn't go as well as they could.

One big thing is that I wasn't prepared well-enough for collecting data. I didn't have enough of the pre-work done. For instance, I still haven't landed on a theoretical perspective. I'm much closer now after talking to Richard, but I'm still not 100%. I'm eager to speak with Lisa (my advisor) on Wednesday to see if we can get closer to a solution. Another thing is that I didn't prepare my questions as carefully as I could have, but that is a product of a lot of different factors. For instance, I didn't do a lot of background work on phenomenology, or at least not as much as I should have done. I also didn't work with someone else for another perspective. I didn't have enough communication from my peers/advisors/etc (for various reason both in and out of my control), and the list goes on. However, at least I know these things and can include them as part of the overall learning process of conducting research.

The one thing I WON'T allow to happen is the scrapping of the data and all of my work. This will work.

Dr. Quantz made a couple of suggestions that were great, and one in particular that echoed what Lisa has said to me in class many times. They both said to let the study emerge from the data. Now, this is commonsensical, but in this situation it's even more relevant because I'm not sure where my theoretical orientation sits. What is problematic is that I'm not 100% sure of the quality of my questions which, in turn, can affect the type of data I collect... which in turn affects what kind of study will emerge from the data.

The other suggestion was very interesting, and I'm curious to see how it plays out. Dr. Quantz suggested that I listen to and transcribe a couple of the interviews that I have conducted. Then I should pay particular attention to the discussion I had with the respondents. I should try to determine if the discourse structure the people's responses, or do the people structure the language? It's a question of phenomenology vs.post-structuralism.

In phenomenology, people orient themselves to the world (or make meaning of the world) through the language they use. The world exists outside of the individual, but the meaning making process happens within the individual and is born from the experiences that individual has with a particular phenomenon.

With poststructuralism, the discourse organizes peoples' meaning-making. The discourse (the language) "hails" the individual, and the individual then orients him/herself to the world in response to this call.

I know that I want to utilize a critical perspective in my writing, but what I'm having difficulty with is determining whether I want to do that with a phenomenological flair or poststructural flair - in any case, neither tradition necessarily lends itself easily to critical theory. I think I know the answer, but I'm going to go through with Dr. Quantz' suggestion before I let the cat out of the bag.

Reflection on the Curriculum of "A Little House"

2009-01-24T08:47:00.001-05:00

This reflection was not much of an essay, but I still liked it. I was trying to find my own narrative style, to discover my own voice so to speak. The paper isn't "traditionally theoretical," and it doesn't use any citations etc, but it was a reflection, so I don't all that fancy-shmancy APA stuff. Anyway, I think with a little work this could evolved into a nice paper, but to be honest, I think this topic has most likely been written to death, and there are two ideas that I have that I think would be new, fresh, and something definitely more unique.

A Reflection
My wife and I recently bought a house. Not a grand house, or a new house, but a nice little ranch home built in 1958. Now, this is not to say that our little house isn’t a good house, or that it is better than a new home; it’s just different. Granted, the design of the home is a bit odd. For instance, in order to get to the basement, you have to walk out of the kitchen and through the garage, but in some ways characteristics like these can add to the overall charm of the home. In response to some of these imperfections, previous owners have made certain modifications to the home to better suit their needs. For instance, a hole was cut into the floor of the bathroom closet and must have served as a laundry chute.
Even though we’ve only been in the home for a couple of months, we’ve also made our own modifications; the laundry chute now provides access to a homemade cat-ladder so “Sadie” doesn’t have to brave the perils of the garage in order to get downstairs. Needless to say, an imperfect home, with imperfect tenants, can still be made to serve a purpose and to fulfill that utility reasonably well.

Recently, my family and I have decided to face the unknown and began work on finishing the basement. When we bought the home, the basement was nothing but a huge expanse of gray concrete. We dubbed it the “gruesome grotto” because of the lack of light and over-abundance of spiders and house centipedes. My daughter was terrified. However, my sons have since dubbed the basement the “Hall of Testosterone” since they are currently living in the bare room - centipedes and all.
The decision to finish the basement was a resolution brought about by need. Our sons needed a place to sleep, and our family needed room to relax, store items, and do the laundry. Since my wife and I have adopted the attitude that the home belongs to the family, we thought it best that everyone would be involved in the planning, preparation, implementation, modification, and refinement of the building process. In retrospect, the word ‘building’ just doesn’t work, this process is more akin to creation since we had multiple points of view from several intelligent and creative individuals who utilized certain tools and resources in struggling, fighting, supporting, and encouraging each other in an effort to best meet the needs of the family. The creation process is a work-in-progress and, depending on the occasion, can be a symphony of perfection or a comedy of errors, but regardless of the state of creation, progress was being made by people who had a vested interest in the work and the eventual result.

A few days ago, a neighbor and self-proclaimed DYI expert dropped-by and gave us his interpretation of our progress. In his experience, he has built many large and beautiful new homes, and as he sought to elucidate his experiences for us, he mentioned processes, considerations, and other components of construction that he felt must be satisfied in a particular sequence in order for our work to be valid. As he left, he simply chuckled at our supposed naivety illustrating his devaluation of our work. Although we have incorporated certain processes in our approach to home-construction, we have also set a goal of defining and experiencing our work through our own terms believing that, in doing so, we will better meet the needs of our family. This has not always been a linear process. In addition, throughout our experience we have determined that mistakes will be made. However, we also understand that great things will be accomplished as well. Each member of our family is bringing to bear a unique skill-set and expertise that will not only help us to reach our goal, but will also build a stronger bond within our family.
While reading Tyler, Schwab, and Posner, I’ve realized our approach to finishing our basement contains many similarities to suggestions by these authors regarding curricular construction. For instance, Schwab’s need for an eclectic was represented in the aggregation of the varying talents, experiences, needs, and wants by the members of our family. In addition, our family had to move from our theoretical ideas of what we wanted to create into the physical actualization, and not just the representation, of these theories. In some ways I feel we implemented Friere’s “emancipatory” approach in that we were able to pause, reflect, question, and predict regarding our current situation. From this course of action, we were able to determine the effects of our theories on not only the basement but also the members of our family, and from that point determine what steps were needed to either further implement ideas or refine our theories. This leads to another component of curricular creation listed by both Schwab and Posner: Deliberation.
Although Posner and Schwab both addressed deliberation to some degree, I feel they were not successful in fully demonstrating that deliberation is simply not the impetus for curricular construction, but it is rather a motivating force, or more accurately, possibly the prime-motivator behind its construction. Deliberation must be implemented as an ever-present protocol for creation serving as a means of checks and balances, as well as providing a channel for greater creative aspirations. Nevertheless, deliberation must be tempered with security. For instance, deliberation amongst our family took many forms: collaboration, contention, and possibly even collusion to some degree. However, during these situations, the members involved in the deliberative process could fully participate without restriction because ultimately they knew that when all was said and done, the institution would still be standing, or in other words, whatever was enacted or portrayed during deliberations could not undo the fabric of our family, and ultimately, we were all working towards the same goal.

Obviously, deliberation, critical reflection, and a multiplicity of expertise, talent, and perspective are integral components of curricular construction. However, I would like to revisit in conclusion my discussion with my knowledgeable neighbor and address the critical factor he failed to consider: Context. By context I mean the situational factors, both internal and external, that affect the members of the institution, as well as the characteristics, experiences, and personalities of the members of the institution. Although both Posner and Schwab, and even Tyler to some degree, discuss context, I believe it is important to emphasize the consideration of context as it applies to the entire process of creation, and that context is a dynamic factor comprised and affected by many contributing issues. In fact, I would be remiss if I did not say that I believe context is more than simply a situation or circumstance. Rather, it is an integral strand of the institutional fabric to which it belongs, whether as a home or a school. As curricular theorists and educators continue our debates regarding the “how-to’s” of curricular construction, I hope we realize that, as in the case of my neighbor, the creation of a curriculum, much like the refurbishing of a home, is greatly dependent upon the participation of those seeking to benefit from the work and the context from which they derive the need for the work, perform the work, and enjoy the ensuing results.

Buddha once sat before a wall, and when he arose he was enlightened

2009-01-23T09:01:00.001-05:00

The following is a sort of revisionist/reflective/essay that I wrote during my first semester in the program here at Miami. I say revisionist/reflective because it is an elaboration on a real-life experience of mine, but some of the details have been changed for the sake of presenting a particular kind of emotion or nostalgic timbre. I'll discuss this more later on.

This essay was written in the same semester as as the earlier post (the same class in fact). This is a very nostalgic post for me, and it provides a way for me to think about how to incorporate personal experience into writing about and theorizing on educational issues. On a side note, Derek was my closest friend in Jr. High, and he was a friend in every meaning of the word. Even in high school, when the pressures and complications of being a teenager obfuscated the things that were really important, and we weren't as close as we had been before, there was an ever-present connection that we shared. That personal experience was an important factor in writing this short essay.

In regard to the text, this version does not have the correct APA citations that I used when submitting the original. I can't find that one right now and don't have the time (yet) to write the citations. So consider this a "work in progress" (at least as far as the citations are concerned).

Also, and this is an important question, although it seems somewhat trivial. The events in this story were changed slightly for the narrative. I don't particularly view this as dishonest, especially since I am detailing which portions have been altered, but it does call into question when and how much can we alter certain experiences for the sake of writing? For the sake of making a point. Here are the changes.

1. Derek and I played his Intellivision. We didn't have an NES at the time. When I wrote "Mario & Metroid," I did so because Mario is an icon of the 80s and typifies the "Nintendo generation" experience. I added Metroid for the sake of alliteration.

2. Derek and I constantly wandered through the video store, but in the case of Circle of Iron, this was a movie that his family owned in their vast VHS library (and it was vast. I could have written that Derek and I sat on his floor and scanned the VHS tapes in his front room, but I wanted to "paint a different picture" that evoked something of the time or the era. Those who were in their early teens in the early to mid 80s will remember the little mom & pop video stores and the funky VCRs that were rented at those places. I don't think this changes the meaning or honesty of the essay. I simply wanted to emphasize the context of the piece.

“Buddha once sat before a wall, and when he arose he was enlightened.”
Personal Meaning & Reflection in Curriculum Development

When I was 14, my friend Derek and I aimlessly strolled through the ‘Adventureland Video Store’ looking for a sufficiently mindless way to waste the weekend when we wandered into the Martial Arts section of the store. As we perused the decidedly low-budget films, we stumbled across a video titled Circle of Iron, innocuously tucked away between Drunken Master and Fists-of-Fury.

Later that night, after we had our fill of Mario and Metroid, we slipped Circle of Iron into the VCR with the
big red, yellow, and blue buttons that we had rented from the store and spent the following two hours captivated by the incredible Kung-Fu and cryptic Zen musings of the characters in the film. Since that night, thoughts of Circle of Iron have quickly faded from memory. However, my recent reading of Teachers as Curricular Planners caused the following quote from the film to rematerialize. The conversation takes place between the protagonist of the film, named Cord, and a blind man that he encounters throughout his journey.

Cord: How long have you been blind?
Blind Man: How long have you been blind?
Cord: I'm not blind.
Blind Man: Am I?
Cord: Do you answer every question with a question?
Blind Man: Do you question every answer?
Cord: Aww, talking to you is like talking to a wall.
Blind Man: Buddha once sat before a wall, and when he arose he was enlightened.
Cord: Do you compare yourself with Buddha?
Blind Man: (chuckles) No. Only to the wall.

In reading this passage from the film, you may wonder, “What in the world does this have to do with curriculum?” However, I believe there are two important concepts identified by Connelly and Clandinin that are directly related to curriculum contained within this dialogue. These concepts are identified as “the meaning of personal” and “reflection.”

Connelly and Clandinin state they believe “the teacher is the most important agent, after the students of course, in a curriculum situation from the point of view of its planning and development.” I whole-heartedly agree with this observation, as I believe the teacher represents, to a degree, the physical embodiment of a realized curriculum to the students. Regardless of how the ‘official’ curriculum was developed, or who developed it, teachers present, distribute, and shape a curriculum by simply interacting with it. This molding process is enhanced when others, namely the students, become involved; creating a living force, which sometimes seems to have a will of its own. From this perspective, it is important for teachers to understand their personal views of curriculum as their interpretation directly affects how they perceive their students, as well as how their students perceive their learning environment.

In stating that, “if you understand what makes up the curriculum of the person most important to you, namely, yourself, you will better understand the difficulties, whys, and wherefores of the curriculum of your students, Connelly and Clandinin touch upon a key-component in bringing learning into the realm of the ‘personal.’ As illustrated in the above quote, Cord lacks an understanding of himself assuming that; somehow, the blind man is disadvantaged in some way. Yet, the blind man simply has an enlarged definition of what it means to be blind. The blind man’s curriculum is seemingly well-defined and broad in scope, which allows it to overlap with Cord’s and results in a learning moment for the student.

The second component, “reflection,” is instrumental in determining one’s own curriculum, as well as providing a necessary tool in understanding not only the curriculum of others, but in also determining the development of the living, growing curriculum which is created between teacher and student. In the dialogue from the film, the blind man reveals to Cord the history of Buddha (Siddhārtha Gautama) and his journey on the path to enlightenment. According to Buddhist traditions, Buddha sat beneath a Pipal tree (some traditions believe it was a wall as illustrated in the quote above) and “he vowed never to arise until he had found the Truth.” (Life of the Buddha, 2005) At the age of 35, he attained Enlightenment; meaning he overcome anger, greed, and ignorance, and has achieved complete liberation from suffering. From this point on he was known as "The Perfectly Self-Awakened One.” (Boeree, 1999)

While many of us may never achieve complete spiritual enlightenment in the Buddhist sense, personal reflection is certainly a pathway to enlightenment in regard to our curricular understanding, for both ourselves and our students. Connelly and Clandinin present many tools designed to assist teachers in personal reflection. I have used many of these tools, such as storytelling, dialogic writing, and interviews in exploring and expressing my thoughts and views on a variety of subjects. In particular, I have found storytelling to be a necessary step in defining and solidifying my own personal narrative.

However, creating these narratives is not enough. Buddha, when in meditation beside the tree (or wall) considered all around him and drew from that experience. He shared the existence of his surroundings. In comparison, the most powerful impact narratives can have on shaping a personal curriculum is in sharing our stories with others. In doing so, we can connect on a personal level, identifying with key factors from each other’s stories and allowing ourselves to inhabit a space co-created by the individual story-tellers. As a result, we depart from the singularity of our own experiences and join a larger cast of players who exist within the collective narrative we have established. Perhaps, by adopting this new perspective, we can overcome delimiting factors which constrain our ability to meaningfully connect with our students, and in doing so, achieve a form of liberation. Indeed, we may even become enlightened.

Educational Deliberation: A Response to Policies of Blame

2009-01-22T19:02:00.001-05:00

I've been looking over some of my earlier writing in my PhD program. Some of it I really like, and others... well... not so much. Anyway, I'm going to post some of these early assignments because I think it would be interesting to see how things have changed and transformed over the course of my program. The first article was written during my first semester at Miami.

Educational Deliberation: A Response to Policies of Blame.

Who’s to Blame?
In March of 2006, USA Today published an article written by Patrick Welsh entitled, “For once, blame the student.” In the days and weeks that followed, seemingly vindicated teachers posted exultant responses on Internet blogs, energetically discussed the apparent poignancy of Mr. Welsh’s words over lunch, and, as was in the case of my school, triumphantly posted the article on the door to the teachers’ lounge as if to say, “Yes! Somebody finally got it right.” Unfortunately, nothing could be further from the truth.

Although Mr. Welsh has done well to bring to the forefront an illustration of the feelings of frustration and disenfranchisement that many teachers feel today, where education is vehemently scrutinized, his article does little to alleviate the problems facing education. In fact, the very language and position of his argument reveal a lack of wanting to offer solutions to the problems at hand and instead expose only an interest in shifting the burden of eliminating obstructions to authentic learning and a positive educational experience to those who have the least resources in addressing these issues: The students.

In this article, I will discuss some of the factors leading to the establishment of the ‘policy of blame,’ and also present a different point of view. Instead of justifying blame, or searching for a scapegoat, I suggest the collaboration of all willing community members in democratically designed deliberations which can be employed in seeking to reduce the miseducation occurring in public education. As a caution, I must state that there are no ‘one-size-fits-all’ solutions for these issues; and this is not a prognosis for every individual account of educational dysfunction in America. Rather, I hope to present a catalyst of change, and a seed for revolt, where communities can begin to wrestle power away from politically-charged policy-makers and develop a pedagogical philosophy that, when understood in the context of each individual school, will lend itself to the amelioration of many of the issues facing the nature of education in their communities.

The Blame Game
“To err is human, to blame the next guy even more so.” This unaccredited quote exemplifies much of the behavior regarding public education in the 20th and 21st century. While some people may deny this attitude as the prevailing modus operandi, it is simple to determine the presence of such an approach in official government-produced literature such as the 1983 report A Nation At Risk: The Imperative For Educational Reform. While the aims of this report are listed as purely informative, an agenda of blame certainly exists within the body of the report. For example, consider the following text:

“Our once unchallenged preeminence in commerce, industry, science, and technological innovation is being overtaken by competitors throughout the world. This report is concerned with only one of the many causes and dimensions of the problem, but it is the one that undergirds American prosperity, security, and civility.”(National Commission on Excellence in Education, 1983)

The report does not specifically blame teachers and administrators as the cause for the perceived short-comings of the US. However, it certainly infers such a claim as based upon the assumption that the apparent erosion of the economic stability and military dominance of the US at the time were intrinsically connected to inadequacies in public education. So what does this mean? In short, economic and political power-brokers required a vehicle for enhancing profitability and furthering their spheres of influence and prestige.

At the time of this report, suspicions regarding the quality of education were certainly contemplated by the public. However, the propaganda of A Nation at Risk codified those suspicions into full-fledged fear and provided a method for blame disguised as reform. Although this was not the first instance of blame-based educational reform, it is one of the most cogent examples of the development of an official ‘policy of blame’ developed through political motivations and is matched only by the more recent No Child Left Behind Act.

The culture of blame has permeated education from the top down meaning students, teachers, and administrators all feel the pressure associated with the problems facing American education. To further complicate matters, current educational leadership has failed to effectively endorse any idea of unity, collaboration, or democratic process in creating curriculum and policy, resulting in educational stakeholders feeling the need to alleviate the pressure generated from a dysfunctional program by placing blame on those who should be their most trusted allies and counterparts. The lack of unity and action in the body of educators in the US has made us complicit collaborators who further perpetuate a paradigm of condemnation and reproach.

Collaboration vs. Contention
As debates regarding public education are waged, perhaps it is time to re-examine the purpose and definition of education and curriculum, as well as our overall goals and the means by which we are trying to achieve them, leaving blame far behind. Through re-examination we may determine a broader definition of curriculum as more than an official document of required courses, objectives, and standards; rather it may exist as a philosophical movement which permeates both theory and practice as they exist in the school. But how should this re-examination take place? A logical first step is to examine the school and its place in the community. Schools are a function of the community, and as such, all willing members of the community should work with educators in incorporating the values and perspectives of their community into the educational philosophy of the school. (Eisner, 1994) In many schools, this currently takes form in the creation of a “mission statement,” but such an industrialized notion of educational objectives, generally developed solely by school administration, simply falls short of the mark. Instead of a single-minded, politically-charged committee producing sterile, corporate-styled goals, all willing stakeholders should be involved in democratically determining educational objectives, and the processes employed to meet these objectives, through deliberation, experimentation, and thoughtful evaluation. This deliberation does not need to be a formal process. Educators can have meaningful discussions which clarify the philosophical position of a school in the teacher’s lounge, through e-mail, and even in staff and faculty meetings. However, they must honestly and authentically challenge, engage, and support each other in these deliberations in ways that meaningfully contribute to the development of a collaborative curriculum in every meaning of the term. In addition, through this process, deliberators must seek to effect change in their educational institutions and avoid the ‘satisficing’ of the norms, expectations, and wants of the deliberative group. (McCutcheon, 1995)

Although these deliberations are an interactive process, it is important to note that contributors must also internalize this procedure by participating in meaningful, self-reflection with the goal of defining a personal pedagogical philosophy (Connelly and Clandinin, 1998) that can be utilized as a catalyst for change, a standard of value, a bulwark of defense, or even a political retreat. Regardless of the function, the most important aspect of defining a personal philosophy is its engagement in the deliberative milieu.

Conclusion
In short, we have been duped. We who have an active, vested interest in the education of children in America have been polarized through generations of politically charged policies and legislation. As a result, educators, students, and parents have been placed on the defensive, hemorrhaging our own power and influence in developing curriculum and defining education while policy-makers strive to satisfy their political agendas through the proliferation of cleverly disguised ‘policies of blame.’ We must have the courage to begin our own definition of education through democratically-aligned, community-based deliberations, or when all is said and done, there will be no one to blame but ourselves.

WORKS CITED

Connelly M. and Clandinin J. (1998). Teachers as Curriculum Planners: Narratives of Experience. New York: Teachers College Press

Eisner, E. (1994). The Educational Imagination: On the Design and Evaluation of School Programs. 3d edition. New York: Macmillan.

McCutcheon, G. (1995). Developing Curriculum: Solo and Group Deliberation. Troy: Educator’s International Press.

Black History Month Lecture Series at Mason High School

2009-01-21T10:35:00.001-05:00

I've been asked to give a "lecture" for the Black History Month Lecture Series at Mason High School. I'm not a huge fan of lectures because a lecture puts people in a reactive/passive frame of mind, and I want them to be active/engaged. I've included the description of the event below.

More to come. Also, on another note, Glen Beck is an idiot.

Mr. Kevin Smith
Kevin Smith is a doctoral student in the Department of Educational Leadership at Miami University in Oxford, Ohio. His studies include work with issues within the fields of critical race theory, critical pedagogy, and multicultural education. Currently, his research is focused on a phenomenological study of students’ understandings of cultural identity as they are conveyed through experiences at school. Apart from his studies, Mr. Smith is also a teacher, husband, and father, with two of his sons attending Mason high school this year. Recently, Mr. Smith returned from a semester of research and lecturing as an international fellow with Trinity College in Carmarthen, Wales.

Seminar Description
With the election of President Obama comes a variety emotion for the citizenry of the United States. Feelings of hope, trepidation, reassurance, and even ambivalence can be found in the hearts and minds of people throughout America. Our peaceful transition of power serves as an example of democracy throughout the world, and for many, the historical significance of this recent election serves as an indication that we are ever-striving towards the American ideals of liberty and equality for all. However, while the significance of this election should not be underestimated, neither should we over-estimate its social, political, and cultural consequences. While the election of Barack Obama may signify a paradigmatic shift in the social and cultural interactions of many Americans, the interjection of such terms as “post-racial” into many discussions regarding the election of President Obama falsely suggest our society no longer struggles with the tensions surrounding racial discrimination, marginalization, and oppression.

The election of President Obama is a consequence of the work of those concerned with freedom and equality, and not the sole culmination of their efforts. More work is to be done, and where the 50s and 60s were decades that seemed to be foreordained to receive the efforts of civil rights movement, perhaps now our season for work has also arrived. But how and where do we begin? One important site from which the work may grow is found in public education. Public education has been caused to serve a variety of roles throughout the US. From the preparation of students for their entry into the workforce, to the development of critically minded citizens, public education possesses the potential to serve as the greatest transformational force in the lives of US citizens. The purpose of this seminar then is to generate a discussion in how we should interpret the role of public education as a transformational process that is not only academically viable, but one that is also civically, socially, and culturally responsible.

Spring Semester at Miami Univ.

2009-01-13T09:20:00.001-05:00

Yesterday was my first day teaching EDL 204: Sociological Foundations of Education. It looks like it will be an interesting class. I have 22 undergraduate students, most of which are working towards their teaching certification and licensure. It's an interesting body of students. 75 per cent of them have attended public schools, while the remainder have attended private schools. That is a large number of students attending private schools and that, of course, means their families could afford to take the education of their kids out of the realm of the public sphere and plant it squarely in the realm of the private sphere. There are a lot of implications that come with that, and that's something that we get to cover in this course to some degree.

The students didn't know I was the instructor at first, which was intentional. I simply sat in a seat as if I was one of the students and waited for them to file-in. About 5 minutes after class was about to start, I simple turned around and said, "Are you ready?" They all looked at me like I was an idiot, so I repeated the question until one of the students finally wrinkled her nose at me and said, "Yeah... I guess."

That was when I stood up and walked to the front of the class. Everyone started murmuring in slight disbelief, but it became clear after a few minutes that I was indeed the instructor. We spent a few minutes getting to know each other and then we talked about education vs. training, as well as the expectation of what happens in "school." They expected the instructor to be standing at the front of the class, they expected to have their notebooks out and pencils ready, they expected someone to not look like me, etc... It was a good day and there was a lot of participation.

Tomorrow I go to my first class. I'm excited for this class because there is a publishing opportunity attached to it, and I am READY to be published. I know the chances of getting accepted are not in my favor, but I don't care. I need to do the process. I need to know the process. I have to get published, I don't know why, I just have this need. I don't know whether it's to satisfy from vainglorious need that's bubbling just beneath the surface, or if it's a validation of who I am and what I know, or if it's simply that I need to get in the "groove" as far as publishing goes, since that's what my job is going to expect of me.

I suspect it's all of the above, but it's also because I think I have something to say, and that it can be important (to some degree). I'm not saying that I'm important, and it is somewhat presumptuous to think that I have something to add to the educational debate that has some portent and/or meaning, but what I'm saying is that I'm another voice, a voice that wants to participate in the discussions in and around education, and that it's as much my right/duty/privilege as it is of those who are already working in that space. Am I going to be the next Michael Apple or Henry Giroux? No. I don't think so, and that's ok. In fact, based on my experience with some of these "celebrity professors," I can honestly sayd I'm FINE with that.

Anyway, I hope that I can fully develop and embrace this opportunity, and that it leads to something that will further my scholarship and add to my overall "presence" as a learner in the field of education. On a somewhat unrelated note, I still miss Wales and seeing the friendly faces on campus at Trinity. It's nice to be home with the family, but it would be even nicer to be with the family in the Tywi Valley. :)

Honestly, how can it get any better?

Downtime

2009-01-07T11:31:00.001-05:00

Wow. It's hard to believe that almost a month has gone by since I've been home. I wasn't really sure if I was going to keep writing in this blog. The entries I wrote in Wales didn't really turn out to be what I thought they would be. I had envisioned the entries being more along the lines of a research journal [whatever that means], but mostly they were more of a travelogue than anything else. I guess that means I need to pick up the pace a bit.

I haven't done much academically speaking since I've been home. To be honest, I haven't done much of anything. However, come Monday, I will be teaching the "Social Foundations of Education" course at Miami Uni. and then I'll be busy. Of course, I'll be taking courses as well. One thing that has been difficult has been the scenery. I remember when I moved to Ohio and I thought it was so beautiful compared to Utah - I hate red-dirt, red-sand... rocks, rocks, rocks... brown mountains, etc... I have just had enough of the Utah scenery. Now, granted... I know it's beautiful and all, but I guess my tastes have changed. In any case, Ohio was a vast improvement; green and lush and a much more softer and enveloping feel to it.

However, Wales trumps them both. Now, West Chester is ugly. Cincinnati (which has always been ugly) is uglier. Possibly even ugliest. So... I miss the scenery of Wales, the people, the campus, you know... just the things I called home for a few months. Of course, nothing replaces my family, and if they would have been able to have spent that time with me, well then I'm not sure we would come back.

By the way, here are some pics of me and the family on Boxing Day.

For the rest of this week I'll be pouring over the class materials for the course I'm teaching and reaquainting myself with a lot of the content. I'm excited to do that because I like "checking-in" with what I think I know. I'm particularly looking forward to reading more on Dewey and his views of education vs. training and education as it relates to the public and private spheres. I'm also looking forward to taking my class Dr. Tom Poetter. Not only will it help me prepare for my comprehensive exams this semester (yea!), but hopefully I will also be able to take advantage of a publishing opportunity in that class.

Battleship: No Girls Allowed

2008-12-13T09:59:00.001-05:00

I saw this on the Internet (of course) and had to post it. I wonder how many images like this are still around, but we don't seem to notice?

"Llewelyn Friday"

2008-12-12T09:43:00.003-05:00

Hello,

So, today was my last excursion into Wales, and it turned out to be a great trip. I had offered the chance for whoever wanted to go to come along, but in the end, only Derek was able to make the trip. We decided to head to Llewelyn's Stone in the town of Cilmeri. On the very outskirts of the town is the spot that is purported to be the spot where "Llewelyn the Last" - the last native prince of Wales was killed. Now, I believe it to be true, I mean, why not? However, there are obviously those who don't.

Here is a good Wiki on Llewelyn ap Gruffydd (or Llywelyn Ein Llyw Olaf).

If you look carefully, underneat the black marks, you can read the word "legend." Someone took offense to the notion of this bit of history being regarded as legend. When we arrived at the stone, there were some nice wreaths and other tokens of appreciation. There was even a rugby ball, which didn't seem out of place. There was a sign from the Welsh Liberation Army, which while I understand and sympathize with their vision of an independent Wales, I can not condone any act of violence. If this is the same organization that was bombing unfinished homes and schools in north Wales in the 80's, then they should read about about the Civil Rights Movement and Gandhi so they can see how to fight for independence with dignity, and to enjoy an independence that wasn't constructed with the tools of the oppressor (thank you Audrey Lorde).

Here is an image of the stone with the wreaths.

We also walked back to the well where they reportedly washed Llewelyn's head after it was cut from his body.

After visiting Llewelyn's Grave, we headed to Llandovery where we wanted to see the statue that was built for Llewelyn ap Gruffydd Fychan. This Llewelyn was alive nearly two hundred years after the Llewelyn above, but he was equally as passionate about an independent Wales. This Llewelyn died during the Glyndwr uprising, and his story is a tale of loyalty, bravery, and friendship. It is worth a five minute read. However, a google search on Llewelyn ap Gruffydd will provide a much more detailed and moving account of what happened.

However, here's what bothers me the most. This Llewelyn was killed by Henry IV, who was one of the most noted warrior-kings. His success was mostly due to his son, Henry V, or Henry of Monmouth. Yes, Monmouth. Monmouth is in Wales, and although bloodlines tell a different tale, since Henry V was born in Wales, he was considered a Welsh king. History tells us that the Welsh we estatic to have a Welshman on the English throne, and undoubtedly there were. But what history doesn't tell us is that there were some who realized that this was the Henry would helped with the quelling of the last rebellion in Wales. That this was the Henry who, although aided Wales in some respects, orchestrated the framework for the Acts of Union which Henry VIII would put into place in 1536-1542. These acts politically erased Wales as a nation, as a country, as a distinctive cultural entity, and absorbed it into the Union as a principality - whatever the heck THAT means. From this point on, Cymraeg would be under constant attack, as English was now used in all legal proceedings. This meant that monoglot speaking Welsh people had GREAT difficulty in defending themselves in court proceedings, filing complaints in court proceedings, buying or selling land, or even getting married. Llewelyn ap Gryffudd Fychan is the final reminder that Wales, whether for good or evil, better or for worse, would for evermore be compromised by England.

I'm horrible with translating, but this is the gist of it (again, this is a LOOSE translation):

"This is the tomb marking the fascinating man who spirit lives on to this day. He was killed here, but live's on to look over Wales, and we give him honor." (Where's Nana when I need her?)

Onward!

Finally, after our more somber visits, we decided to have some fun on the playground behind the castle in Llandovery. Here are the pics & vids.

Look at that sword.. it's ginormous... it made just wanna say "BRAAH!" So, I did... I said, "BRRRAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAHHHHHHHHHHHHHH!"
It was very gratifying.

Mmmmm...

I think Derek accidentally deleted my EPIC ride on the zipline =(.